Bereavement of Khaplang and the can of worms
TK Singh *
The sudden demise of Shangwang Shanyung Khaplang, Chairman of the proscribed outfit National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) may bestow a sign of relieves to the government establishments. Leading to change the dynamic of insurgency in the region, this new development is likely to open
can of worms for the outfit as well for the other armed groups active in the areas.
Khango Konyak, an Indian Naga who was elevated from vice chairman to the chief of NSCN-K (mostly influenced by Myanamrese Naga) is likely to face a tough
challenge to control his own cadres of mixed ethnic composition from different sides of the border (India and Myanmar).
Meanwhile the responsibility of government vis-à-vis the security forces to manage this vulnerable phase of transition would be an uneasy task. Dossier of the new chief :
At the age of 77 and braving chronic illness for few sad years, Khaplang died on 9 June 2017 at the NSCN-K headquarter in Taga, Sagaing Division, Myanmar, which is
also a shelter for multiple insurgent groups from North East India. In his last wish, the chairman urged all the younger generation of Nagas to continue waging war for freedom against mainstream India.
Believing in his true spirit of warfare, Khango Konyak was nominated as the new chief of outfit after Khaplang’s bereavement. Intelligence agencies have less information on this new chief and security establishment has weak dossier on him, as confessed by LL Dungell, Director General of Nagaland Police. However,
open source inputs have suggested that he is in his 70s, native of Mon district (a strong hold area of NSCN-K bordering Myanmar) in Nagaland and served as
the Vice-Chairman (since 2011) of the outfit.
He earlier held the rank of “Lieutenant General” and looked after the military affairs of the organisation along with additional charge of Chairman for Konyak Region and President of Tuensang-Mon Regional Union. He also served as the Council Guard Commander in 1985 and General Staff Officer-II in 2004 at General Headquarters of NSCN-K.
As per his past record, Konyak was recruited in the Naga Army in 1963. During his tenure he commanded in various capacities as Mobile Commander, Battalion Operation and Brigade Commander. He had visited Pakistan and China in 1966 and 1976 respectively. Before becoming the Vice-Chairman of NSCN-K, he was elected to the people’s council as Central Council Member (CCM) and later inducted as the Kilo Kilonser (Home Minister) in the outfit.
When Khaplang was sick and inactive, he handled all the administrative and public related matters, while Niki Sumi, another leading as-sociate took care of military
and security aspects.
Organisational response : Not only by his own members, he was respectably admired by cadres from various independent insurgent groups such as the United
Liberation Front of Asom (In- dependent) or ULFA (I), Manipur Naga People’s Front (MNPF), Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL),
and amalgamated bodies including Coordination Committee (CorCom), National Revolutionary Front Manipur (NRFM) and United Liberation Font of Western
South East Asia (WESEA).
Popularly addressing him as “Baba”, all the outfits extended their deepest condolence on his lost. They expressed him as a true Naga
leader who brought affinities amongst all the armed cadres in the region under umbrella organisation such as WESEA.
In fact, most of these outfits are sheltering in Taga and other areas of Myanmar under the full aegis of “Baba”. Establishment of these settlements (base camps) in this
area is known to Indian Government and repeatedly requested to abolish them to Myanmar authorities, however never materialised.
Besides the armed cadres, the commiseration was joined by the Naga civil societies such as Naga Hoho, United Naga Council (UNC) and Nagaland Tribe Council (NTC).
Interestingly, Khaplang’s erstwhile comrade but now a stringent rival NSCN-IM leader Muivah also extended condolence to the departed soul.
Government reaction : While the loss of NSCN-K chief was garnered support and sympathy from sections of the regional populace, the government considered it as
an opportune moment to divide the group into two factions based in Myanmarese and Indian cadres. Soon after his demise, on 10 June 2017 Kiren Rijiju, Union Home
Minister of the State for Home Affairs appealed to NSCN-K cadres especially from India (Nagaland) to surrender and entreated them to join the mainstream.
He also ensured to rehabilitate them with reasonable package and meaningful resources. Further, he stated that the government acknowledged the influence of NSCN-K in both Myanmar and India. While it has no authority to the Myanmar based cadres, it promised to overhaul those from India. It was also pointed out that the other insurgent groups would face multiple impacts after the death of Khaplang, who protectively had provided their shelters.
Considering the government’s peace agreement with ULFA (Pro Talk) going in right direction, Indian authorities pleaded all armed groups to shun violence and
join peace talks under the framework of Indian constitution. Meanwhile security establishment has suffered difficulties from NSCN-K active areas in Manipur,
Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.
After the abrogation of ceasefire agreement in March 2015 (signed in 2001), it actively engaged in violent activities including the infamous ambush that killed 18 soldiers from Dogra Regiment, Indian Army at Chandel, Manipur on 4 June 2015 and recent encounter that took the life of an Army
officer (from Manipur) at Mon, Nagaland on 7 June 2017.
Opening can of worms : Though the demise of Khaplang has given a serious blow in the normal functioning of NSCN-K and perhaps has changed the dynamics of
insurgency in North East, the new chief is likely to strengthen its movement to highlight the stability/strength of group. Reports have suggested that Khango Konyak
never endorsed the ceasefire agreement from the beginning.
In fact, it was not only ULFA (I) Chief Paresh Baruah, but also Khango Konyak who chiefly persuaded Khaplang to withdraw the ceasefire agreement. As Khango is not from Myanmar, and unlike his predecessor Khaplang, the former may not be able to maintain similar influence or networks either in Myanmar or China.
Leadership has always been a crisis in NSCN-K functioning and hence, more breakups are likely to take place on the basis of different ethnic composition from both
sides of the border. Earlier two groups were also already defected and formed new organisations namely NSCN (Khole and Kitovi) and NSCN (Reformation) in 2011
and 2015 respectively. These two groups are likely to be joined by few more cadres from the current NSCN-K group.
Not only for the NSCN-K along with the other insurgent groups, the death of Khaplang shall open a can of worms to the mainstream stake holders, creating
a new challenge to face the unexpected new dynamic of insurgency in the region.
* TK Singh wrote this article for The Sangai Express
The writer teaches at the Department of National Security Studies, Central University of Jammu. He can be reached at khurshchev(AT)gmail(DOT)com
This article was posted on June 21, 2017.
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