Weakness of NSCN's demands for Nagalim
- Part 3 -

Dr. Khomdon Singh Lisam *

30. By  September 1975, the Naga underground leaders were agreeable  for the first time " not to insist on independence as a precondition". A six member underground delegation led by Kevi Yallya (Phizo's brother) met L.P. Singh, Governor of Assam on 10 November, 1975 at Raj Bhavan, Shillong, which led to the signing of the "Shillong Accord". On November 11, 1975, the "Shillong Accord"was signed between the  Government of India and the NNC.Under this agreement, the NNC had agreed (1) to accept the solution of the Naga problem within the framework of the Indian Constitution, (2) abjure violence, bring out the armed men (3) to surrender weapons and resolve the residual problems through discussions.

However, the National Assembly summoned by Th. Muivah Gen. Secretary NNC on 15th to 17th August , 1976 at Suphao, condemned outright the "Shillong Accord"  as the work of the sole traitors.It also condemned the Zashei Huire for the high treason. The condemnation paper was signed by Messrs Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah in their respective capacities as the Vice-President and the General Secretary NNC.The Assembly elected Mr. Isak Chishi Swu to the Vice-Presidency. Phizo intentionally refused to condemn it right up to the time he breathed his last in 1990. Instead  he went on welcoming the "traitors"  including his own younger brother, Kevi Yalley, the architect of the Shillong Accord at his London residence

31. On January 31, 1980 ,several underground Naga members , who had strongly opposed the Shillong Accord, led by Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah (see Plates-164,165) ultimately founded the "National Socialist Council Of Nagaland" (NSCN) with Isak Chishi Swu as the Chairman, S.S Khaplang, a Hemis Naga of upper Myanmar, as Vice–President and Thuingaleng Muivah, a Tangkhul Naga of Manipur's Ukhrul district, as the General Secretary.8 The Kukis claim to hold about 50%  of the land in these hill districts, which the NSCN (IM) wishes to be made part of a Greater Nagaland.

32. The NSCN split when Khaplang suspected Isak and Muivah of secretly initiating talks with the Indian Government. Differences surfaced within the NSCN outfit over the issue of commencing a dialogue process with the Indian Government. On April 30, 1988, an attempt to assassinate Muivah and Tangkhul cadre in the NSCN set–up was executed in which a large number of undergrounds were killed. Mr. Khaplang alleged that "Chairman Isak, General Secretary Muivah and Kilonser Hanong are ready to surrender to India by accepting uncle Suisa's proposal and that they were prepared to seize all the arms to surrender them to India. They are ready to eliminate all the Konyak and the Pangmi National Workers". However, Muivah escaped and as a result, NSCN was vertically split into two factions namely NSCN led by Isak and Muivah (NSCN-IM) and NSCN led by S.S. Khaplang.(NSCN-K) It was the bloodiest internal clash in the history of Naga insurgency. The Konyaks formed the NSCN-K under the leadership of Khole Konyak and S S Khaplang. The Tangkhul faction, the NSCN-IM (Isak-Muivah) was led by Isak Chisi Swu and Th. Muivah. (Sanjay Kumar ).

33. The NSCN (IM), as part of its strategy of insurgency, is playing the role behind the formation of several ethnic insurgent organisations among the different ethnic groups in the region. NSCN (IM), had masterminded A'Chik Liberation Matgrik Army (ALMA), a Garo insurgent organization .  The NSCN (IM) provided logistic support to various ethnic insurgent groups in the region like the ULFA, NDFB, NLFT, PLA, etc., and its approval of the terrorism in Punjab as well as militancy in Jammu and Kashmir. It has got links with many insurgent groups like Dimasa National Volunteers (DNV) of North Cachar Hills (Assam) ,Hmar People's Convention (HPC) (Mizoram), Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) ,A'chik National Volunteers Council (ANVC) of Meghalaya, National Democratic Front of Bodoland of Assam ,National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT), Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam (MULTA), and Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), People's United Liberation Front (PULF).(Dinesh Kotwal, The Naga Insurgency: The Past And The Future)

The sole motive behind floating this organisation was to make a quick fortune at gunpoint. It seems that the Garo youths having little experience of underground life, joined the ALMA only due to the lure of easy money. They were then trained by NSCN- (IM) activists. During its three year existence, a series of bank robberies were jointly undertaken by ALMA and NSCN (IM) in the Garo Hills. It is learnt that 70 per cent of the booty collected from such joint operations used to go to NSCN (IM) as charges for its services and for arms and ammunitions, while the remaining 30 per cent was left with the ALMA as a reward for its local cover. NSCN (IM)  had similar links with Dimasa National Volunteers (DNV) of North Cachar Hills (Assam) as well as Hmar People's Convention (HPC) (Mizoram) (Dinesh Kotwal , The Naga Insurgency: The Past And The Future).

NSCN (IM) has also brought outfits like People's United Liberation Front (PULF), Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam (MULTA), and Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), under its fold.. Floating of such smaller ethnic insurgent groups serve two broad purposes for NSCN (IM). First, it opens up multiple fronts for the counter–insurgency agencies like police, army, intelligence, etc., and keeps them busy elsewhere rather than concentrating in the strongholds of the core insurgent group. Second, it helps the core insurgent group to mobilise additional resources from areas beyond its sphere of influence as well as provides the necessary cover–ups for its operations in an altogether different ethno–social milieu.

34. Tangkhuls are the backbone of NSCN-IM military outfit. They are considered most ruthless and also more numerous. They, it is feared, would outnumber most of the 16 major Naga  communities of Nagaland and would be in a position to control the state not only politically but also would be disturbing peace in the state. They say that  Tangkhuls in Manipur  are not Nagas and should not be integrated into Naga society of Nagaland. The Nagas in Nagaland, Aaos, Angamis, Phom and even NSCN (Khaplang) recently opposed the move of Manipur Tangkhuls  to allow them to be a part of Nagaland Board of Secondary Education. They have burnt  Manipuri language  textbooks and demanding separation from Manipur to join Nagaland Board of Secondary Education.  The Nephu Rio government at one stage had almost acquiesced to their demand but had to backtrack because of severe protest from almost all the major 16 Naga  tribes from Nagaland.

35. Most Nagas now do not consider the faction of Muivah as representing  cause  of Nagas . They said that Muivah does not have the right to speak on  behalf of Nagas.  Muivah in fact is not even considered a "Naga". He is considered as a   Manipuri by the influential Angamis and Ao  Nagas  as he is from the Tangkhul  community of Manipur.   Isak is a Sema but Semas now have started feeling that Isak is only playing a second fiddle to Muivah.

36. On 12 December, 1964, the Nagaland Assembly passed a resolution for integration of Naga areas adjoining the state of Nagaland . On 5 December, 1967, the Nagaland Baptist Church adopted a resolution to move the Government of India to integrate immediately all the contiguous Naga areas of Manipur , Assam and NEFA ( Arunachal Pradesh) . The same resolution was again adopted by the Nagaland Assembly in 1970. The Government of India ignored the unreasonable demand and passed the North East Reorganization Act-1971 and Manipur became a full fledged state. Nagaland is becoming a dangerous and bad neighbour  working against the Christian spirit. However, the Indian Prime Ministers including Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had assured that "the interest of Manipur will not be subordinated to the interest of any other part of the country .

37. In 1994, the Nagaland Assembly again reiterated the earlier resolution of integrating the Naga areas adjoining Nagaland. In response to this anti-Manipuri activities of  Nagaland Assembly , the Manipur State Assembly vehemently condemned the resolution of the Nagaland State Assembly and to stop  all demands of Homeland  on 24 March , 1995  The resolution was taken when Rishang Keising, a Tangkhul Naga Leader from Ukhrul was the Chief Minister of Manipur. This was a great loss to the credibility of Naga unity. On 14 March, 1997, the Manipur State Legislative Assembly commits to protect and safeguard the territorial integrity of Manipur The same resolution was adopted again on 22 March, 2002 and again on  12 June, 2002 .

38. The Naga guerrillas did not try to get the support of the masses. On the slightest pretext, the boys in arms tortured the villagers, collected funds forcibly, killed suspects      (M. Horam, Naga Insurgency, Cosmo Publications,  New Delhi, 1988)

39. While the NSCN(IM) claims to represent the Nagas, this is contradicted by a press statement issued by its rival faction, the NSCN (Khaplang), on 27 June 2002, cautioning against using the term 'Nagas' in place of NSCN (IM).  In another press release dated 11 July 2002, the NSCN (K) went to the extent of declaring Th. Muivah a non-Naga, stating that Tangkhuls are not Naga citizens and had only ten years of association with the Nagas.

40. The NSCN began to be internally riven with the Muivah group (NACN-IM),  locked in a bitter fight with the Khaplang group (NSCN-K), dominated by the Konyak (the largest Naga tribe in Nagaland) and Hemi Nagas (who live in contiguous areas of Burma).

41. The past decade has seen some of the bloodiest fighting between the NSCN(IM) and NSCN(K) groups resulting in the loss of innocent civilian lives caught in the crossfire, and deepening the divide between the twelve major Naga tribes. While all Nagas acknowledge the armed might and organisational superiority of the NSCN(I-M), and its crucial role in any settlement with the Government of India , many powerful Naga tribes are unwilling to accept the NSCN(IM) as the sole arbiter of the Naga destiny. But since they are fighting for a common cause, they is no need to fight among themselves.

42. It is alleged that most of the underground organizations can't tolerate  " Freedom of Press". They  threaten and intimidate the press and journalists for expressing free opinions in the press. The NSCN is not an exception. There have been many protests from the press in the North East India in the last decade. The question that can legitimately be asked is how such organisations can claim to speak on behalf of an entire people in negotiations with the federal government and in international fora, when they silence the public back home at gunpoint and ruthlessly stamp out dissent. This may be an allegation. But both the NSCN-IM and NSDCN-K should try to project themselves as the champion of Naga cause sticking to respect for universal declaration of human rights .

43. Many government servants pay up to 25 per cent of their salaries as 'tax' to insurgent groups which is efficiently 'deducted at source' by routine collections from the office cash box. In the villages, each household in Nagaland is forced to pay an annual tax of INR 400, apart from providing services as and when demanded, such as porterage and hospitality to 'national workers'. For cash-starved Naga villagers with no money to pay for the health and education needs of their children (the government schools and health services are in shambles), such taxes for the 'Naga cause' are a huge burden.

44. The ordinary rural people are not interested in this kind of politics. They are already fed up with this kind of perpetual violence. They are in fact not supporting any underground movement of any kind. But they can't express their opinion  simply for fear of violence.  In rural, interior Nagaland, villagers have no time to waste on dreams, so intense is their preoccupation with daily survival and the need to provide meaningful opportunities for their children. This is the handy work of  so called politicians and elite group including underground leaders who dictate their strategies from the cosy apartments of London, Amsterdam, Bangkok, Beijing  to the innocent poor Nagas fighting for their life in the jungles. 

45. In Manipur, where  the NSCN runs underground operations, several times over the past six years, the Meiteis  have come together to protest, against both the Meitei organisations and against the NSCN(IM).

46.  Now the  people of Heirok and Chajing are demanding for  supply of guns to protect themselves and their villages from underground elements. This shows the sentiments of the common people  against the underground outfits. This is time for the  underground organizations to  respond  to  this wake-up call .

47. In Manipur a porous border with Burma has facilitated a massive inflow of heroin from the Golden Triangle, en route to the international market. While the heroin drug trade supported  the insurgent groups in their quest for arms and easy money at least in the earlier phase,  it was destroying the youth and the future generation of  Manipur and Nagaland .  

48. The Naga Hoho, a powerful consortium  of Naga tribal organisations, has sought to provide an answer to Nagas who ask what the fight has been all about. The Naga Hoho is trying to involve civil society in a dialogue with the different rival groups in an effort to make the latter accountable to the public. This is important because many tribes view the NSCN's "muscle flexing" as the continuing attempt by the Tangkhuls and their allies to assert their supremacy in the region. Some Naga intellectuals say that the recent Meitei riots, in the aftermath of the extension of the Naga ceasefire to Manipur and Assam, augured a "paradigm shift".

49. The moderate Naga group (the NPC) was co-operating with the Indian Government under an agreement signed in 1961 by which Nagaland has  become an autonomous State within the Indian Union. The new State of Nagaland  comprises of  the former Naga Hills and Tuensang areas.

50. The NSCN allegedly used child soldiers of about 15 years , 17 years and sometimes 13 years  because they are  easy to brainwash and easily expendable items, which constitute  abuse of  child rights and abuse of human rights of people .

51. Many Naga leaders used to say "Let us first achieve our independence, then we will deal with the problems of corruption, alcohol and drugs, and the divisions between Naga tribes". But history shows that redrawing of boundaries has never solved the problems of the common people, and in this  age of globalization such smallness of vision cannot sustain their own people.

52. The NSCN (IM) views Mr. S.C. Jamir, the then Chief minister of the democratically elected Government of Nagaland  and the underground group NSCN (K) under  Khaplang as anti–Nagas. Therefore, any attempt to find a way out of the present imbroglio would require an impartial stand on the part of the Government of India. The Government cannot afford to be seen as favouring one or the other faction. For any meaningful outcome, all factions of the undergrounds including over grounds, shall have to be involved, otherwise piecemeal peace/dialogue will not bring any satisfactory political solution.

53. The State Government of Nagaland  must be involved and must have a say in any peace initiative. The State Government of Assam, Arunachal  Pradesh and Manipur who are affected by the NSCN demands must be allowed to participate in the peace process.  The state Government of Manipur, the people of Manipur  and Meitei insurgents in Manipur are vehemently opposed to any change in the  2000 years old  geographical integrity and  history  of Manipur.

54. Further,  solving the problems of NSCN-IM and NSCN-K  alone  will not solve the problem of insurgency problem either in Nagaland or in the North East India . The Government of India should therefore adopt an open door policy and an uniform strategy and uniform policy for all  main insurgency groups in Manipur and Nagaland.

55. Nagaland as a sovereign country will not be economically viable . considering the poor resources. They do not produce, petrol coal, gas , iron or any other mineral. They are depending entirely on the Government of India's  fund for subsistence.  Their  area is land-locked. They have to depend on neighbouring states for their own survival.  They can't live now as their forefathers did centuries ago. They do not have  enough  muscles and strengths to defend themselves.

56. The  Naga peace process should not be left to the senior bureaucrats under the Government of India,   who have no  background  knowledge about the history, cultures, traditions of the people of  North East India and also about the complexities of the problem.. Many a time, their irresponsible statements created  serious problems among the various ethnic groups in the north eastern India . 

Why the Government of India and NSCN are fighting shy of inviting the political and other leaders from Manipur , Assam or Arunachal Pradesh  to hasten the peace process ? The Manipur Government and  the Manipur  people should be allowed to participate in the peace process otherwise there will not be any long lasting solution. Mutual jealousy and mutual suspicion  will only delay  and ruin  the peace process . Since the talk is  revolving round the issue of  slicing some part of Manipur, no solution will be possible and practicable without involving the Manipur Government .One question which common people often raised  is   "why is the NSCN  not involving the people of Manipur in discussing historical facts and in finding a solution ? " 

The Government of India is well  aware that any settlement with the NSCN (IM) ignoring the complex ethnic relations of the North East India  is likely to fuel rather than douse the flames of discord in the region. So, they will not take any hasty decision. The NSCN should therefore revise their strategy . They should not stick to  their ambition to disturb the geographical boundaries of other neighbouring states of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. It is unfortunate that some  Nagas  are trying  to  portray  a distorted picture of history to the Naga people  just to satisfy their vested interest and to mislead the people .  The general views of the majority of the people of  Manipur are in favour of non-territory solution to the Naga movement

57. The Government of India's  strong backing and support to Muivah's  homecoming and holding a series of meetings with a number of Naga civil societies  despite strong opposition from the State Government  has  aroused a strong suspicion in the minds of the people about the sincerity and integrity of the Union Home Minister for solving the Naga problem. Is he more inclined to create civil war in this part of the country . He may realize the gravity of the situation once the arena of fighting is shifted to  his home town or Delhi or Mumbai or Chennai or Bangalore .

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To be continued...