TODAY -

Tragedy of situation : Muivah's journey

By Dr Kshetri Rajiv *



The present situation in Manipur can be explicitly revealed through the kind of politics evolved with immense laxity of concern in the past. Prolonging this situation has shaped a difficult paradigm of bringing out an alternative solution. People are also highly immune to the culture of ignoring responsibility that a human society should bear in the course of living-hood.

In the absence of such responsible human society, most sufferings are those powerless ones while some are highly beneficiary from this state of affair. The state, it seems to me, needs to explore the types of existing problems before searching for an 'immediate' solution. After all, any form of diagnosis requires identifying the nature of the disease. Otherwise, treatment for one disease would lead to another form of disease at some point of time.

Among many, present situation is critical in both its form and context since it involves complex issues, largely motivated on a communitarian basis. The genesis of this issue has been already politicized on the political grounds among various contested communities, confronting many difficulties of creating a plat-form for dialogue as a process.

Many have, recently as well as in the past, written about their claims contesting others. The question is how two contested claims could have a ground for negotiation to arrive at a process, in order to map out a way for the solution. Besides, throwing words against one another to claim that one is right or wrong only would only heightened the level of impossibility of convincing that claim. One should be aware of the fact that claims are always meant to hold out the authenticity of a position that requires registers from other contesting claims.

Let me reflect the present moment of crisis in the state through the nature of possibility that makes Thuingaleng Muivah, General Secretary of NSCN (IM) to think of an attempt to visit his ancestral home at Somdal village in Ukhrul District of Manipur after 45 or so years.

Many have criticized his visit and many have expressed their views on why he should be restricted to visit his own native village while holding an Indian passport- a critical passport issued under a critical circumstance. I am not interested on the issue whether it is valid or invalid to question his visit. I would like to emphasize more with the line of thinking that Muivah would have for visiting his native village.

To begin with, I find aftermath of 18 June 2001 very critical for the people of Manipur. The day, in which among many injuries, 18 protesters of extension of ceasefire agreement between Government of India and NSCN-IM without territorial limits besides burning the state Assembly hall were shot death, has been marked as Integrity Day of Manipur every year.

Against this ceasefire extension, the kind of both fear and anger of the people in the valley for probable obliteration of the pride of Manipur being once a mighty Kingdom was highly intense due to the impact it would pay for the future of Manipur. I believe, people in the valley were and are not simply opposing a ceasefire agreement between the two contested parties- Government of India and an armed group but mainly to the nature of the claims that Muivah's NSCN-IM projected over the years in order to set up an atmosphere for entering into a negotiating ground with Government of India.

The nature of NSCN-IM's operation in Manipur has provoked many of other non-'naga' anthropic communities to ameliorate their position from their true sense of "identity". The ethnic cleansing as a major strategy for expansion of 'naga' communities so that to expand the 'naga territory' within the state becomes a foregrounding agenda for converting 'naga dominated area' into 'naga inhabited area'.

The success of this conversion by displacing many smaller communities from 'naga dominated areas' in the past or 'naga inhabited areas' at present was in fact a sole dream of Muivah to dream another dream of integrating all 'naga inhabited areas' for converting Nagaland into Nagalim. But Muivah is confusing himself of the kind of success he had achieved by taking lives of others who have mere potential to contest his agendas.

The large scale projection that Muivah promises to his fellow followers requires winning both the hearts and lives of a large section of population which Muivah sees difficult to do so in a state like Manipur where he had already created a noise of many kinds while trying to have sound sleep to dream a dream. His visit to his native village is important for his present move to take a solitary position in the process of Indo-NSCN (IM) talks since NSCN (IM) is inescapable from minimizing its goal every undergoing talk.

Muivah must have been aware of his limitation- to fight back with the forces of Indian Government, to criticize the criticism he receives from Naga National Council (NNC) at present , to face the Government of Manipur's position, and lastly but not the least , to overcome the people in the valley standing against his dream to become a true dream. However, Muivah dreams a dream whether it is not sure that he would be woken up before the dream completes. In fact, a dream without completion is always exasperating when the dream subsides in other way around.

On 23rd July 2001, extension of ceasefire agreement between Government of India and NSCN (IM) without territorial limits was revoked after more than a month long protest from non-naga communities in Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh where the extensions were declared. The revoke glorified the people who have strongly protested against the extension while provoking the moods of 'naga fellows' in these states.

Within this win-win situation, one's gain is not only loss of another but also political humiliation imbibed through a 'constructed history' or a 'protected history' of one's existence. Only that benefit from this situation is the Government of India in minimizing the demands coming out of both sides.

The extension of ceasefire has been officially revoked almost nine years back giving a glorious moment for those sections of people who opposes it, but I am curious about the meaning of ceasefire, at least, in the case of NSCN (IM)'s open operation in Manipur, particularly so called 'constructed' naga inhabited areas at a large scale presence of India army and paramilitary forces.

Supposedly, Muivah's prediction of possibility of visiting his native village could be mainly derived from this dominant presence of NSCN (IM) in the territory of Manipuri in the absence of an official ceasefire agreement. The government of Manipur is also aware of the activities of NSCN (IM) within the territory of the state but neglected to engage the issue keeping aside and leaving it entirely with the forces of Indian government.

The lack of 'action' against the operation of NSCN (IM) in the state offers the confidence of Muivah, not only in garnering his negotiating strength with the Government of India but also in assuming a possibility of stepping into a territory without an agreement of ceasefire. At the same, incarnation of Muivah is many facets. Muivah is not only a criminal before the law of Manipur but also a friend of Government of India in making.

Muivah is not only a killer of many communities but also a leader of many 'other' communities. Measuring Muivah's status from these two contested domains could be difficult one. But Muivah should be seriously aware of the countering forces to his journey towards the end.

After all, it is these factors that is going to be difficult for Muivah to deal with, rather than assuming the support he is and has been receiving from his followers. Muivah must be aware of the position of his opposition but have never witnessed before his eyes the roaring outcry from this side in his lifetime.

The present situation would have compelled Muivah to realize his own powerlessness to counter the forces of Manipur government in his journey towards his ancestral home. By trying to enter at his best from different sites, Muivah must have sent a message of his wanting to meet his people in Manipur; but the best Muivah could do is to reach out this message of concern for the people waiting to see their leader in despair.




* Dr Kshetri Rajiv wrote this article for Hueiyen Lanpao (English Edition). The author is a Research Associate in Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Science ,Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
This article was webcasted on June 16 2010.


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