Manipur is gripped by a chronic obsession, a fear psychosis bordering on paranoia. At the heart of this obsession is the issue of "Nagalim" which seeks to incorporate parts of the current state into a Naga homeland. Doomsday talk about the end of Manipur's existence is everywhere: at the seminars, in the editorials, online discussion forums, coffee shops and even funerals. But why does Manipur divert all her precious time and energy to fending off the territorial threat, real or imagined, at the cost of other vital issues of public importance? Is it naiveté or plain stupidity?

To the state's politicians, at least, it is not. It doesn't take a rocket scientist to understand the politicians, who have nothing to show as genuine accomplishments, harping on the emotive issue of territorial integrity at all waking hours in an obvious ploy to cover their failings. For the Manipur government, it must have been a god-sent red herring to divert peoples' attention away from its failure on developmental fronts.

Nonetheless, there is a completely different view: it's not the state administration which is to blame for fanning the fears of territorial dismemberment of Manipur, but rather the zealous public which has driven it to the wall. The argument goes: any sign of irresoluteness and indifference on the part of the state government to the "burning and immediate" territorial question is as good as inviting the wrath of the people, like what was seen in June 2001 when the Legislative Assembly was burnt down and 18 protestors were killed.

Whosoever be the protagonists behind Manipur's obsession with a nebulous "Nagalim", its results are not heartening. The economy of the state has slid, and there are no serious efforts to stir it to a robust and stable condition. An indication of this economic sickness is the declining per capita income of Manipur. All developmental projects in the state have grounded to a halt - save a lone flyover now being constructed at Imphal. Basic public infrastructure like roads and bridges is inadequate and crumbling, while electricity and drinking water are scarce commodities that call for a million mutinies. Education is lagging behind, and increasing numbers of students are migrating to institutions outside the state, leading to an alarming flight of capital from the state's coffers. Healthcare and other social sectors are also being neglected. HIV/AIDS is regarded as having reached epidemic proportions and is nowhere near being contained.

But who cares? As far as the people of Manipur and the state government are concerned, the most important issue in the entire Milky Way deserving their attention is the vexed Nagalim issue, and only that issue.

Public pressure groups are not helping to bring objectivity and balance to such a schizophrenic mindset either. Instead, they are a part of the engine that propels the anti-Nagalim state's pastime. UCM and AMUCO, two prominent civil groups in Manipur, for example, are best identified with their protests against the cease-fire brokered between the Centre and the NSCN (I-M) in 2001, which was meant to be enforced across the region, wherever the I-M had a presence. In fact, the UCM is a fallout of that anti-ceasefire protest movement, and still fancies that its existence is dedicated to just one objective: protection of Manipur's territorial integrity. Other pressing issues are disregarded.

The obsessive compulsion on the Nagalim issue also seems to have struck Manipur's militant organisations just like their civilian counterparts. For them too, the issue has become a convenient vehicle to snuggle up to the public's sentiments and win their support. Recently two outlawed groups almost came to the verge of a clash, following a war of words in the local press. Their bone of contention was the alleged link of one of the groups with the NSCN (I-M). The insurgents' pet themes like "social reform" and anti-India bashing are all relegated to the backburner for the moment: these can wait. A more pressing issue is at hand, which is the territorial issue!

Perhaps we can heave a sigh of relief now. The Centre has asserted that it will not seek to solve the Naga problem, particularly the demand on land, without a political consensus from the concerned North-eastern states. It is hoped that Manipur would shed its sense of insecurity, and turn to tackling other social and political issues which demand immediate attention. Right now, it appears to be the turn of the NSCN (I-M) to be, in turns, adamant and petulant on its pet theme of Nagalim, after the Prime Minister's declaration that borders cannot be changed without consensus.

Politicians of Manipur may be under a false belief that, without a Nagalim-like stick, they will lose an emotive issue to whip up the voter's "patriotic feelings" to garner their support. That's because Indian politics has undergone a paradigm change: voters have become wiser and can no longer be as easily fooled as before. The recent Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhatisgarh and Delhi have proved beyond doubt that "good governance", "development" and "bijli, sadak, paani" are the new catchwords that have substituted "Ayodhya" and "Ram Mandir" as election winners. The winds of change will also inevitably sweep Manipur; politicians there had better take the cue. They should, for a change, forsake "Nagalim", which appears to be Manipur's version of Ayodhya, as the main election issue. So, Okram Ibobi, chief minister of Manipur, please look no further than Sheila Dikshit for inspiration. Concentrate on development for the state.