Resolving Kuki-Zo-Chin and Meitei conflict

Home Raikhan *

The clash between the Meiteis or Manipuris and the Kukis or the Kuki-Zo-Chin kindred tribes in Manipur is now well into the 3rd month since it first erupted on the 3rd of May. Close to 140 lives have been lost. Hundreds of homes, worship places, business establishments and shops, Government offices and quarters, residences of public leaders, farm houses, sheds, vehicles and such others have been torched by both sides of the divide.

Home Minister Amit Shah had visited Imphal and Churachandpur. He met political leaders, civil servants, top army and security brass, community and religious leaders, civil society groups and had also visited shelter homes of both the affected communities. The slight lull in the violence has since been revisited with greater venom. To find remedial solutions to the clash, it is essential to understand the issues which had led to the conflict.

Through the frequent statements made by Chief Minister N Biren Singh, it is clear that the Government of Manipur (GoM) had roughly attributed three main issues and reasons for the current strife. The first is the alleged unabated illegal entry of immigrants belonging to the Kuki-Zo-Chin group of people from Myanmar into Manipur.

The second relates to the clearing of “forest” and “Reserved Forest” in the Scheduled Hill Areas of Churachandpur and Kangpokpi Districts of Manipur for the purposes of growing poppy and marijuana. Such illegal activities were reasoned to be pushing the State into a near “narco-terrorist” environment. The third issue concerns the Meitei community’s claim for Scheduled Tribe status. The Meitei ST claim is looked upon as having provided the final spark to the simmering Kuki-Zo-Chin and Meitei relationship.

The influx of the Kukis into Manipur is well recorded in history. It began in trickles in the fifth decade of the 18th century and then turned into a horde by the fifth decade of the 19th century. Not being clear on how to proceed with the immigrants, Raja Nara Singh of Manipur handed over the case to the British colonial master for resolution. The British made the Kuki migrants to acknowledge the Raja of Manipur as their overlord and the Raja in turn settled them as vassals and as buffers against the Nagas.

The migration however did not end, more of their kindred tribes moved into Manipur through the east, south, and the south-western regions of Manipur. In 1891 the hills were taken over by the British and a rudimentary form of administration, such as levying house tax and rules for providing labour forces to the British were introduced. Despite the extension of British rule over the hills, the British did precious little to prevent Kuki incursions into Manipur.

The Kuki migration into Manipur had never abated since the time it began. During the British colonial period, other than sending punitive expeditions for stray incursions resulting in killings and burning of villages, the Kuki incursions were tolerated. Manipur’s brief independence during 1947-1949 brought no changes. When Manipur joined the Indian Union in 1949, its borders were as porous as it was in the 18th century.

No worthwhile Check Post, patrols or walls were set up to deter or stop illegal migrants. The base of the illegal migrants had in fact now expanded into migrants of Myanma-Indian origin and of the kindred tribes of the Kukis to include Zomis and other Chin tribes (Kuki-Zo-Chin). The Kuki-Zo-Chin group of people through their constant inward migration had effectively displaced the indigenous Nagas tribes in what is now Churachandpur District, parts of Chandel and Tengnoupal Districts as also parts of Kangpokpi District and also made their presence in Ukhrul and Khamjong Districts.

In the early stages of independent India’s history, migrants had not been unwelcomed, rather as a democratic welfare State, India had made rooms for those that had no place to stay. One such example was through the intervention made by R Suisa, a Naga MP of Manipur, the Government of India (GoI) was pleased vide Memo No. P3/9/66 and Memo No. 305/g/242/Uk3845 to award Relief Funds three times for Kuki refugees in Manipur till as late as 28th December, 1966.

Following earlier examples, the majority Meitei community and the GoM had little interest in checking illegal immigrants into the hills of Manipur. The reasons for the non-action appear to be two fold. Meiteis were Hindus and inhabited the valley, the Nagas and by now the Kukis were Christians and they inhabited the hills. The cultural and physical divide did not assist inter-mingling or homogeneity, nor could issues be viewed through a common perspective.

However, by the late 1960s, the political rumblings in the Naga Hills of Assam and in the Naga areas of Manipur shook and awakened the political stupor of the dominant Meitei community. They began to appreciate possible fault lines which could arise from the Naga movement against their ideas of Manipur. It was at this period of time when the Meiteis began their politics as masters of the State and chose the line of containment and rewards.

By the later part of the 1980s, to counter the possible fall out posed by the Naga’s fight for self-determination, the Kukis came to be favoured by the GoM. Subsequently, when the MPP came to power in 1990 the balanced approach of giving equal representation to all hill communities fell apart. During RK Ranbir’s tenure as Chief Minister, as many as 6 Kuki MLAs were made Ministers compared to only 1 for the Nagas.

A State sponsored Kuki Militia to fight against the Nagas was then considered till wiser counsel and decisions prevailed (See Kuki-Naga Conflict in Manipur: A Perspective, by Vijay Chhibber; submitted to Administrative Staff College of India, Hyderabad, 1993). The Kukis, who were trusted soldiers or mercenaries since colonial times, now became the favoured hill community in Manipur’s polity. They had grown in power, position, wealth and numbers. Soon enough they began to think in terms of establishing a “Kuki Homeland” for themselves in Manipur.

Some high level Kuki Ministers within the GoM and a few outside of it, thought it best to form an armed organisation to give weight and force for achieving their homeland dreams. With this objective, the Kuki National Front was secretly formed. The surprise was, many more Kuki-Zo-Chin armed groups came to be formed.

The probable role of RAW and the Indian Army in setting up Kuki armed groups to fight against the Nagas soon became suspect. There were widespread suspicion that the Kukis were being trained and supplied with arms and ammunition at Leimakhong, Manipur and Zakhama, Nagaland. The National and State press also reported such suspicions (Telegraph 30-03-1993, Naga Banner 16-04-93, The Week 23-05-93, Hindustan Times 22-07-93; The Other Media 31-12-93; Nagaland Post 01-06-95; etc.).

There are at present 25 Kuki-Zo-Chin armed groups under the Suspension of Operation agreements (SoO) signed in 2008 with the GoI & GoM. Talks with the Kuki groups through their Umbrella organisations the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and the United People’s Front (UPF) in 2016 led to the demands for a “separate State” by the KNO and an “Autonomous Territorial Council” as provided under Article 244A of the Constitution by the UPF. The GoM which was obviously against any bifurcation of the state and since the outbreak of the Kuki-Meitei conflict on 3rd May, 2023 had withdrawn from the SoO Agreement on the 10th of March, 2023.

The Kuki-Zo-Chin demand for a “Kuki Homeland,” “Kuki State,” “Autonomous Territorial Council” or “Separate Administration” to be formed out of Manipur State greatly shocked and angered the Meitei community. The common Meitei feelings were often “how could illegal ‘refugees’ or ‘immigrants’ be rewarded with a “Homeland,” “Separate Administration,” or a “State” in Manipur, in India or elsewhere ?

Meiteis who had given them high offices in Manipur now felt betrayed. To most indigenous hill or valley people of Manipur, their common understanding crystalised into “illegal immigrants” or “refugees” have no rights or claims on other indigenous people’s homeland, State or country. The refrain may ring true, but not through a war of conquest.

The second issue stems from the GoM’s conclusions that the Government is the owner of Manipur’s “forest” and “Reserved Forest” in all of Manipur. Additionally, the CM had often stated that forest and Reserved Forest (especially in Churachandpur and Kangpokpi Districts) were being cut down for large scale Poppy and Marijuana cultivation, pushing the State nearer towards a “narco-terrorist” environment. The tribals of Manipur however disagreed with the CM’s conclusions on the ownership of “forest” as also “Reserved Forest.”

The tribals across the divide were of the view that the ownership of the forest and Reserved Forest rest squarely with the Scheduled Hill Tribes of the concerned area. On the issue of cutting down forest and Reserved Forest for Poppy and Marijuana cultivation, the Kuki-Zo-Chin community were of the opinion that they owned the forest and additionally submitted that the cultivation of the banned plants were indulged in by other communities of Manipur as well.

It also voiced that “narco-terrorism” cannot be attributed to the Kuki-Zo-Chin people alone as the cultivation of the poppy and marijuana and the growth of the said culture were attributable to all other communities of Manipur as also those outside of it.

The third issue is connected to the Meitei community’s demand for Scheduled Tribe status. On this issue the CM had clarified that he was of the opinion that the Manipur High Court’s directive to the State Government to recommend the ST claim of the Meiteis to the Central Government was unfortunately an inappropriate directive.

He had also categorically stated that the GoM had not supported the Meitei claim for ST status in the past nor in the present. Be that as it may, as per Hindu tradition the Meiteis are classified into Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Sudras. They are now listed as OBC and a smaller part under the Scheduled Caste status. Further, they are the ruling majority having 40 MLA seats in a 60 member Legislative Assembly of Manipur. If the most advanced and powerful community of Manipur is given the Scheduled Tribe status, the legitimate fear was, what then would be the fate of the lesser and weaker tribes of Manipur ?

As the issues which led to the conflict are now by and large clear, it would be appropriate to form a Fact Finding Committee (FFC) on the said issues if the GoI thinks it fit. The FFC should be formed by the GoM at the earliest, composed of experts and authorities in the concerned fields/subjects such as population (Demographers/Census Department), Forest & Reserved Forest (Legal Experts/Constitutional Experts) and on ST claims issues (ST Dept./Authorities).

The Report and findings of the FFC on each issue should be presented to the Chief Minister/Cabinet within a reasonable time. On receipts of the FFC Reports on the subjects, the Cabinet should then consult with representatives from all the concerned communities for ascertaining the correctness or otherwise of the reports. Further, they could be given due time to submit evidence or replies to the given facts. Thereafter, the State Cabinet should proceed to formalise a Peace Plan at the earliest.

At this juncture it may be helpful and of value to submit two more additional facts outside of the issues discussed above with suggestions as well. The first is the fact that the Budget Allocation of the GoM has for years been partial to the Valley communities. The Budget allocation for the Hills is normally below 10% of the total Budget. The allocation for the Valley is normally above 90% of the Budget. The favourable Budget for the Valley has made the valley more advanced than the hills. The petty Budget allocation for the Hills have starved the hill areas into further backwardness.

It is a fact that in the hill areas there are no roads worth the name; no electricity or proper and systematic supply of electricity; no arrangements for piped drinking water; no hospitals, higher schools, colleges or universities (only 1 exists). The few hospitals and colleges which are functioning in District Hqrs. are severely understaffed. The Budget Allocation for the Hill Areas is too small and can be said to be a cruel joke on the sensibilities of hill people of Manipur.

This disparity had also been raised in the previous Legislative Assembly of Manipur. The imbalanced budgetary allocation requires to be looked into for due justice for all Manipurian. The Budget allocation can be made as per the population ratio of the Hills and the Valley, minus major works for the whole State. Such an approach would provide balanced growth in the Hills and the Valley and the demands for a “homeland” or a “Separate Administration” of lesser importance.

The second fact is centred on the Hill Area Committee (HAC) of the Legislative Assembly of Manipur. The HAC has its origin in Article 371C of the Constitution of India and the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution of India. It functions through The Manipur Legislative Assembly (Hill Area Committee) Order, 1972. The HAC Order, 1972 however cannot supersede Article 371C or the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution nor The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 (STOTFD in short).

In the STOTFD “forest land” includes “Reserved Forest.” Forest Rights of ST members in Chapter II, section 3, clause (a) defines the ST’s rights to include “right to hold and live in the forest land…” It is therefore of great importance that the HAC should always be consulted for discussions on all sensitive matters or otherwise in matters concerning the rights and welfare of the hill people and the land and forest they live in.

The necessities for consultations between the Manipur Legislative Assembly and the HAC had been enshrined for producing good understanding, relationship and for avoiding the pitfalls of misunderstandings and possible errors. The time for rebuilding good relationships between communities should not be missed.