August 4 and June 18

Heigrujam Nabashyam *

It is said public memory is short, but the memories of the leaders are believed to be long. The question of threat to the spirit of Manipur evolved in the minds of the public markedly around 1980s especially after the NSCN(IM) under the leadership of Thuingaleng Muivah – a Master of political science of the Gauhati University – started pushing for his top agenda – the Nagalim or Greater Nagaland; though it was during the NNC period that the move made a beginning.

The call of AZ Phizo, the leader of NNC and legendary figure of the Nagas – a Naga is someone "who eats from a wooden platter", Phizo said – were responded from the different groups inhabiting in the Naga hill district of Assam and also from some neighbouring areas of Manipur. However the NNC were not as invective nor act as heavy as the protagonists of the NSCN(IM) against other communities. And the issue of Greater Nagaland was contained within the ambit of the governmental mechanism till Muivah's Nagalim came up.

However, Nagalim spilled over into the public domain when Muivah became more and more aggressive and indulged in violent activities against other communities. The most condemnable act of Muivah was his mad policy of Kuki cleansing in the early 1990s, albeit under a different garb – the Nagalim Guard or Limguard. Then came the hard earned reconciliation between his men and the Kuki group in 1995-96 after the loss of a thousand innocent souls.

Simultaneously around the time backroom parleys were taking place between NSCN(IM) and the home ministry; Muivah talked to MOS(Home) Rajesh Pilot for a possible breakthrough. However it was after the United Front government came to power that the move to bring the NSCN(IM) to the negotiating table was crystallized. If I remember correctly Muivah called on prime minister Deva Gowda at Zurich and it was probably after that meeting that he finally decided to go for the negotiating table.

AMUCO were following the developments for quite sometime; because any disturbance to Manipur has all the potential of a serious repercussion not only in Manipur but also in the region. Therefore AMUCO were channelizing and articulating the apprehension and suspicion of the public into a healthy and cohesive public opinion. And to voice the aspiration of the people AMUCO had announced that a public Mass Rally would be taken out in Imphal on August 4, 1997 sometime in June-July, 1997.

And as it turned out, the ceasefire agreement between the NSCN(IM) and Government of India was signed on August 1, 1997 when IK Gujral was PM, to find a peaceful solution exclusively between the two; AMUCO welcomed the peace agreement but said 'No disturbance to Manipur in any manner'.

Eventually on August 4, 1997 a peaceful rally was taken out in Imphal which according to a report collected from the SIB – the central intelligence on the same day was attended by 4 to 5 lakhs people. Indeed the rally had turned Imphal into a sea of humanity. The message of the rally – the spirit of unity and integrity of Manipur – was loud and clear.

Subsequently in deference to the wishes of the public the Government of India reassured the territorial integrity of Manipur. However the game was on; the peace-talk went on with the NSCN(IM) demanding a Greater Nagaland. AMUCO diligently continued to monitor the developments.

However, despite assurances by the Government of India, AMUCO got information from various sources that steps were being taken wittingly or unwittingly, to extend the ceasefire which is detrimental to the spirit of Manipur.

AMUCO from the beginning had always maintained and demanded that the ceasefire should not be extended to Manipur because it is bound to have serious social and political ramifications. The apprehension became serious in May-June, 2001. Accordingly AMUCO had requested the Government of India not to take up such a step by sending representations and reminders to the prime minister.

On June 13, 2001, AMUCO met the defence minister, George Fernandes, who was on a visit to Imphal, and apprised him of the apprehension and he was also reminded of the call of the people of Manipur : "No extension of ceasefire to Manipur" and another representation was also submitted to the prime minister through the defence minister on that day.

That day, the defence minister told AMUCO that in his knowledge, there was no discussion in the cabinet and he expressed his opinion that such a step must not be taken. However he could not assure anything; but sensing seriousness of the matter he tried to make a point by talking to the prime minister in the presence of AMUCO. However he could not get the line to the prime minister who was in a Bombay hospital for a surgery.

Next day, June 14, 2001 around noon came the news from Bangkok via internet that the ceasefire would be "without territorial limits". On June 15, an AMUCO organized Leaders' Meet of some 60-odd civil society organizations and AMSU together called for a 3-day – June 16, 17, 18 – general strike in Manipur. And the rest is history.

During the meeting with the prime minister to resolve the crisis, which took almost an hour, the home minister, L.K. Advani, who was believed to be responsible for the extension said "We were only" and then he stopped himself. From the body language of the home minister it seemed what he wanted to say was that the Government of India did not mean to violate the territorial integrity of Manipur but that the government was only trying to make some move, although he never thought of the ramifications or of the fallout.

There was no discussion or any argument in the meeting. The prime minister and his colleagues only listened to what the two spokesperson of UCM – formed a few days after the fateful day of June 18 – Professor Sanajaoba Naoriya of Gauhati University and R.K. Ranendrajit, Editor, The Freedom, said of the reasons why the territorial integrity of Manipur should be honoured and nothing should be done to undermine it. During the meeting UCM had fervently appealed to the prime minister to withdraw the ceasefire as it had seriously undermined the very spirit of Manipur.

After listening to UCM, the prime minister gave his word that he would "call a meeting of the political parties on … (a date which cannot be remembered, but it could be the day the Government of India had announce that it would remove the clause "without territorial limits from the Bangkok Declaration of June, 14, 2001) and take a decision". That was how the crisis was resolved.

The intention of the writer to revisit the two landmark incidents – August 4 and June 18 – is to remind us how things have been evolved right upto the point just before the beginning of the present crisis and try to look at the impasse as simple as possible.

It was and I believe, it is the consistent policy of AMUCO and UCM to take to and to engage only and only with the Government of India for any matter related to the territorial integrity of Manipur, because the two knew that nothing and absolutely nothing can touch the territorial integrity of Manipur except the Government of India; the parliament.

The two organizations had never engaged or picked up a cudgel against any group or organization or individual which is inimical to Manipur, because it knew that it would be a waste of time and energy. Now, therefore it is believed that it is time for all of us to re-look at the developments in Manipur and go for a reassessment of the situation in the interests of all the indigenous peoples including all the contending groups who inhabit in this ancient land for centuries and centuries together. But ask the SPF leadership to function its duty with integrity and vision to promote emotional integrity among the people.