TODAY -

The Armed Political Movement Of Manipur Nagas Till The Signing Of Framework Agreement
- Part 5 -

Aheibam Koireng Singh / Sukhdeba Sharma Hanjabam / Homen Thangjam *



Maps

Territorial aspirations and claims find manifestations in the form of maps. A simple look into these maps by the aspiring parties give ample evidences of one's political imagination and in the process, the maps become self-explanatory. Many have posed the question: Can cartographical drawings precede sovereignty? This happened during the pogrom by NCSN-IM in Manipur in 1992 and subsequent years and also during the massive unrest in Manipur when the "cease-fire agreement" was extended without territorial limits.

One finds the rigorous attempts to put forward demands through maps in the 1990s. For instance, maps of Nagalim drawn by NSCN-IM began to be available only in memorandums submitted by their frontal organizations and in books written by those in their cohort. So, in spite of the internalisation of the movement, they rely solely on their invented map as they could not locate or find any evidence anywhere in the world including Naga Hills or areas that they claim as Nagalim.

This is vividly reflected in the Bedrock of Naga Society (Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee (I), Not Dated, Bedrock of Naga Society, http://www.nenanews.com/ng10.htm, accessed on 02/11/2015),
"We continue to claim we were an independent nation till the British conquered us. Did we have a boundary for our nation? As late as the 1940's, when British rule was almost over, large parts of today's Nagaland did not even exist on their maps. Instead of showing villages the maps showed large blank white spaces with the words "Unadministered and Unsurveyed". Did we have a ruler or a Government?

The writ of a village chief did not ex- tend beyond his village. Did we have a capital city where the Government sat? The British Deputy Commissioner sat in Kohima out of convenience.

Was this the capital of the independent Naga nation that we claim existed before the British? Did we have a currency or a coinage like other kingdoms or nations? We lived on barter till the British introduced the rupee. Did we have armed forces to defend our nation? Did we have common laws, rules and regulations for our nation as a whole? Did we have an administrative apparatus to look after the welfare of the people?

Did we have roads that linked the nation? The answer to all these are obviously in the negative. These questions cannot be ignored, especially by those who are educated and claim to be the intelligentsia of our society.

Let us face the reality that existed. Let us not distort history and let us not fool ourselves any more. The plain fact is that we never existed as an independent, unified nation at any time in our history. Yes, each village existed independently, but is that the equivalent of a Naga Nation? Even the names Naga or Angami or Ao or Sema or Chang were unknown to us. We called people of different tribes by other names. We led a primitive and brutish life in our villages, uncivilized and unlettered. The word of Christ was unknown and unheard of.

Life beyond the village boundaries was unknown. Justice was rough and summary. Diseases went unchecked. Slavery was common. People lived and died without ever leaving their villages. We had no idea of the concept of a nation or independence or nationhood. Is it right to make these tall claims that we were an independent nation before the British conquered us? At least, let us be honest about our ancestry and our history. We Nagas always prefer honesty to falsehood, however painful the truth may be".

Just as Isak Chisi Swu saw the necessity of developing a Naga identity to gain legitimacy of the Naga cause, the inevitability of possessing a map became significant so as to garner support through this vision as well as gain legitimacy in the international community. However, the attempt so far has been futile not only from the perspective of competing visions in the forms of maps [sic. Kukiland as demanded by Kuki National Front and Zalengam as espoused by Kuki National Army) but because such maps were juxtaposed against the international boundary of Manipur which has evolved over the years and that have gained creditable international recognition.

Failure to gain legitimacy in terms of lobbying as imprinted in their imagined maps compelled them to enter into negotiations and peace talks with the Indian State.

Conclusion

Naga issue and the Manipur issue are highly emotionally charged sentiments. If the solution comes in a package of secrecy as it is happening at the moment, compounding not only confusion but also the fear psychosis of the people of Manipur, the solution is bound to create more problem than peace. The issue has the potential to disturb the ethnic relations in Manipur and Nagaland.

For instance, some sections of Nagas in Manipur are celebrating while the Nagas of Nagaland are sceptic that the agreement should not come out as a compromise. Similarly, the political class and the general public are worried that it should not disturb Manipur's Integrity. The apprehension in Manipur is valid as the same government (BJP) has tried its hand earlier and was responsible for the mayhem on June 18, 2001 and the following months.

The 'historic' framework agreement of between the GoI and NSCN-IM is presented in such as manner that it has the answer to the aspirations or 'sentiments' of the NSCN-IM as well as the people of Manipur. It has been rejected by most of the Naga Political Groups (NPGs), based in Nagaland ('Why Nagaland is not celebrating the 'Historic' Peace Accord', rediffNews, 07 August 2015; 'Peace Accord has nothing to do with us; GPRN/NSCN' Nagaland Post, 05 August 2015; 'Naga Peace Accord: NNC Dreads more Distrust and Division, Morung Express, 2 August 2015; 'NSCN Khaplang on 33 Point Hidden Demand' issued by GPRN on 4th August 2011 and 'NSCN-KK says no to Peace Deal,Assam Times, 23 August 215).

The Nagas of Nagaland remain indecisive as the agreement is concealed so far ('Why Nagaland is not celebrating the 'Historic' Peace Accord', rediffNews, 07 August 2015). Sanjoy Hazarika question why what's the need for secrecy, if it is historic (Sanjoy Hazarika, 'Naga Peace Accord: If it's Historic, Why the Secrecy?' rediffNews, 11 August 2015). However, a cursory peek into the earlier claims and trajectories as well as the currently secretive yet unfolding dynamics of the framework agreement as narrated by the "participants" seems to be telling an altogether different story.

In this sense, instead of bringing about lasting peace, the so called "historic" agreement is likely to burn down 'sentiments' of both the Manipuri Nagas and Manipur into ashes. The basic issue staring into our face is whether GoI, as a signatory of the framework agreement, has been able to kill two birds with a single shot. In other words, has GoI been able to dissuade NSCM-IM to give up its claim for "Nagalim" or Greater Nagaland thereby make the party abandon its demand for inclusion of the 4(four) hill districts of Manipur into the pan-Naga politico-administrative structure. Further, in reaching such an historic agreement, has the GoI been able to tranquil the edgy Manipur's historic demand for territorial integrity, and thus, respect its history.

In such a perplexing state of muddling secrecy, it remains to be seen what the framework agreement of August 3rd, 2015 in fact holds for the fate of Manipuri Nagas, the states of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. Considering the situation, it is difficult to understand the reality as contents of the agreement has been concealed so far. Moreover, from whom the text is concealed is also a big question, whether it is concealed from the people of Nagaland or Manipur as signing an agreement with one group never brings peace. It remains to be seen which is the true version of the framework agreement-the PMO version, Home Ministry, the IM version or the one dearly guarded by RN Ravi, the Miracle Man.

Concluded


* Aheibam Koireng Singh / Sukhdeba Sharma Hanjabam / Homen Thangjam wrote this article for e-pao.net
The writer can be contacted at akoireng(at)gmail(DOT)com
This article was posted on November 18, 2016.


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