Tale from Chingjaroi, Kuki aggression, political wrangling and colonial-interest

Yenning *

We stayed at the IFAD Guest House in Chingjaroi Christian Village (CV)for a two-day heritage walk in October 2015. This cluster of three villages, Chingjaroi Khullen (mother village), Chingjaroi CV, and Chingjaroi Khunou, is in the Raphei (northern) region of Ukhrul district.

We were drawn to its unique Tangkhul traditional house architecture and the blend of traditional and modem social structures, particularly in Chingjaroi Khullen, where the chief of the sister villages reigns.

The area also offers stunning attractions like Asezakasha Khra Waterfalls, Akarow tiger den, Chingjaroi Green Village of CV, and Japan Kafulokadeu, a hilltop used during World War II. Our main focus was the rock monuments exclusive to this Tangkhul village. From Khullen, one can enjoy picturesque views of distant Poumai villages like Pauma and Paomata.

Legend says Chingjaroi was founded by Resu, who received revelations from Kazing Ngalei Kasa Akhava, the Creator of heaven and earth. In a dream, the Almighty instructed Resu to carry a boulder north until he could bear it no more. The spot where he rests the rock would be his new home — a peaceful, fertile and prosperous land. Resu settled near the peak of a large mountain range, which in Manipuri is called Chingjaroi (Ching = mountain, jao=huge, roi = ending).

The Tangkhul people refer to Chingjaroi as Zingchui/Zingjui, meaning "high mountain peak" or Asinei/Asewnei. Settlers from Phaibung and Kharasom joined him, evolving a new language and a way of life. Remnants of the sacred megalith, believed to be Resu's, remain in the Chief's courtyard.

Initially, we believed that the megalith culture of the village followed Resu's tradition, where the wealthy and powerful brought boulders to be used as tombstones upon their departure from this world. This belief was supported by the presence of sacred stone structures in the old cemetery. However, a sociological perspective on the megaliths, culture, and language of Chingjaroi emerged, which was a result of the Khongjai (Kuki) aggression dating back to colonial times.

Here is the story as told by a village Awo (an elderly person). The Khongjais arrived in large numbers, overwhelming the village like a tide. The weak and defenceless fell victim to their merciless hands. The surviving men, desperate for safety, sought refuge in crevices, gorges, and forest caves.

The women suffered a cruel fate as they endured captivity. Among the captives was a woman who carried her help-less infant son. She pleaded with her captor to spare the innocent life clinging to her bosom. In a tragic turn of events, she offered her own body in exchange.

However, devoid of compassion, the captor callously crushed the tender skull of the baby under his foot. The mother, stunned and robbed of her voice and tears, was left to bear her anguish in numbed silence. From that moment on, she resigned herself to a life of servitude, becoming a dutiful slave striving to please her master in every conceivable way. She followed the marauding Khongjais as they raided village after village.

A twisted and perverse bond took root between the captor and the captive tainted by the darkness that surrounded it. One fateful night, she de-vised a plan of deceit. With skilful hands, she prepared a sumptuous feast, offering her master succulent pork and Zu to satisfy his hunger. In the stillness of the night, they engaged in a carnal communion, an encotmter devoid of tenderness or meaning, driven solely by brutality and emptiness.

As dawn broke, she cleansed her body, washing away the remnants of their sordid liaison. In an act of daring retribution, driven by an intense fire within her, she severed the head of her slumbering captor, silencing his erotic dreams forever. With newfound liberation coursing through her veins, she fled towards her long-forgotten village, embarking on a treacherous journey filled with danger and desolation.

Finally, she arrived as a weary traveller, returning to the embrace of her abandoned homeland, which had become a haunting ghost village, a testament to the harrowing ordeals she had endured. However, her tragedy was that no one would accept her. We learned this horrific episode is still vividly remembered in their folklore, passed down through generations, serving as a collective memoir against their ancestral enemies, the Kukis.

Stories of Kuki aggression are found in almost every Tangkhul village. Zingsui near Pusing village in Ukhrul district is another sordid reminder. The Kukis obliterated the entire village killing every villager. Such is the enduring memory of the Tangkhuls, not to mention the horrors of the Kuki-Naga clash from 1992 to 1997, Awo continued.

The surviving Chingjaroi men, lacking women, approached the neighbouring Poumai villages, promising the gentle folks that Poumai women would become matriarchs. Their culture would be propagated because women are the carriers of culture, and their language would be re-spected.

He remarked, "A village cannot thrive without women". The Chingjaroi shawls, attires, and ornaments bear the imprint of the Poumai people. He merrily remarked, "Regarding the Chingjaroi dialect, there is a saying among the Tangkhuls that one is forbidden to learn and grasp this difficult mother tongue, as it risks being eaten alive by tigers".

We could imagine the ancient Chingjaroi dialect blending with the Phaibung, Kharasom, and eventually the Poumai dialects evolving into a new dialect. This fusion resulted in a challenging speech pattern, making it difficult to pronounce. However, it also enriched not only the local dialect but also the Tangkhul language. For example, the word "Tara kachon", meaning "water-proof" in Tangkhul, is borrowed from the Chingjaroi dialect.

As for the megaliths, we deduced that the influence came from the Poumai culture since it is a widely observed phenomenon among the Poumai people of Manipur. Perhaps the strong-willed Poumai women were instrumental in shaping this unique tradition.

The incident we heard about lacked a specific year. But based on our understanding, it likely occurred around 1845. Tangkhul historians mentioned a similar event in 1832, but we believe, during that time, the Kuki horde was not as powerful as it was in 1845, and their aggressions were not as well-planned. Therefore, in 1845, the Kukis devastated Chingjaroi, Zingsui, and other Tangkhul villages. Rongmei villages like Oinamlong, Mukti Khullen, and Nungdang also fell victim to the Kuki's aggression.

Manipuri historians seem to agree that under British Political Agent McCulloch's policy, Maharaja Nar Singh granted settlements to the Khongjais by providing land in the exposed frontier of Manipur, particularly in the Naga areas. Professor Gangmumei Kamei refers to McCulloch as the "father of Kuki settlement in Manipur". However, understanding why Nar Singh succumbed to British policy requires examining the political climate of the time.

Following the demise of Gambhir Singh, there was a power struggle for the throne among Nabin, Nar Singh, and other princes. Under the guidance of Political Agent George Gordon, Nar Singh thrived, becoming a Regent in 1834 and formally becoming the king of Manipur in 1844. Like Gordon, William McCulloch, who succeeded him as the next political agent of Manipur, established a very cordial relationship with Nar Singh.

However, peace remained elusive in Manipur as other princes sought to overthrow Nar Singh. There-fore, the king needed McCulloch's protection against these rebel factions. Additionally, by 1845, a massive Kuki influx occurred.

James Johnstone noted, "The new immigrants began to cause anxiety about the year 1845 and soon poured into the hill tracts of Manipur in such numbers as to drive away many of the older inhabitants (Naga tribes). Manipur in these days, owing to internecine quarrels, could have done nothing, and Raja Nar Singh gladly handed over the management of the newcomers to him".

Perhaps, Nar Singh's misjudgement and lack of political acumen in addition to political wrangling were the primary factors behind the Kuki settlement in Manipur. As for British interests, we need to revisit the Anglo-Manipur Treaty of 1833, signed between the East India Company and Maharaja Gambhir Singh. One crucial clause focused on trade, prohibiting the Manipur king from having a monopoly on articles or merchandise and aiding the British in containing the Burmese.

After Gambhir Singh's death and the successful containment of the Burmese threat, the British prioritised trade and economic gains. They wanted to ensure political stability in the region at any cost, guided by political expediency and opportunism. McCulloch saw an opportunity to use the Kuki migrants/settlements as a deterrent against the Nagas, weaken the Manipur Maharaja and protect the British trade and economic interest.

In present-day Manipur, the legacy of political wrangling and colonial-interest persists, particularly regarding the issue of illegal Kuki immigrants. The arrival of the Kukis has significantly transformed the dynamics among the indigenous people of Manipur. Consequently, ethnic tensions have arisen between the newcomers and the indigenous population, leading to disputes over land, resources, rivers, and forests.

Amid this complex situation, we cannot forget the tragic story of the Chingjaroi woman who displayed unwavering loyalty to her people despite enduring captivity and servitude at the hands of the enemy. Her unwavering commitment serves as a poignant reminder of the struggles faced by the indigenous communities in Manipur.