"Landmines are uniquely savage in the history of modern conventional warfare not only because of their appaling individual impact, but also their long term social and economic destruction" - Ms Machel

The civil society of the sleepy town of Churachandpur district, Manipur have finally stood up to deal with the threats of the land mines or 'weapons of civilian destruction', that has been gnawing the core of human rights and existence, civilian casualties, devastation of economic assets.

Land mines are truly insidious-cheap to make and easy to distribute but difficult to detect and expensive to remove. This response by the civil society of Churachandpur takes a stand that digresses from the usual interest defined by narrow boundaries of tribe, ethnicity, language, etc.

It could be termed as the birth of new social movements in Churachandpur as the characteristics reveals the collective interest to confront challenges that comes from the state government as well as the armed militants within the state.

This is a manifestation of the changing concept of security, which is of course fast changing in the face of forces determining not only the present but also the uncertainties of the future. For the multi-ethnic town of Churachandpur, the old concept of security that was once very ethno- centric has slowly realized the need for establishing collective security of all the tribes inhabiting the space of the district.

What has finally emerged is the realization of the concept of mutual security. Pragmatism may still have to travel another long path, negotiating and confronting the narrow doors of ethno-centrism.

There is a need for the people of the troubled torn district to view each other through a more balanced and representative prism so that the collective interest surface against that which is determined by identity derived from tribe, language, and narrow selfish interest tied to this worship.

However, as the threat has become too common, with the booby traps identifying no colors and blood for its victims, there is an urgent need for redefining the concept of security, which has to take into considerations the question of identity and its definition, if not redefinition, encompassing the multi-ethnic district.

Churachandpur district can only claim to be secure if it deconstructs the narrow fences defined by the overflowing of emotions and feelings on tribe lines. Otherwise, it has to sink with the threats from inside as well as outside.

Fortunately, the idea of common security has stirred the concept of cooperative security, under which common security is achieved through the cooperative efforts of all the tribes. The criterion for measuring security is no longer how secure one tribe feels, but rather how secure all the tribes can feel.

Human security has taken the centre stage in the space that was once occupied by civil war, conflicts and bloodshed on ethnic basis.

A second change for the better is that unlike in the past, the threatening forces and actors have not complicated, worsened or divided relations between the tribes. Rather the situation has once again planted the shared notion that the issue is not merely planting of landmines, but goes to the extent of decoding the hidden agenda of power struggle, dominance, control.

It looks like the civil society is already getting tired of its soft approach to the ongoing developments. They felt the need to locate the limits of their interest, security and rights as equal citizens.

On the part of the Manipur Government, a proactive approach towards fulfilling these aspirations will go a long way to safeguard not only the interest of its citizens but also the interest of the state.

The insensitivity of the government to grievances, either of citizens at the periphery or underprivileged strata of the population, which points at insufficient communication and lack of concern will certainly go another long way to raise another voice where the proponents might express their longing for a space outside their present existence. Here the balancing act by the state will be desirable than the state merely "ruling" over them.

Without questioning, the civil society has been suffering too long from fear, insecurity, loss of lives and property. The government ought to restore the political process and at the same time address the grievances of the population and win back their sympathy.

The Government of Manipur ought to implement the promise to "initiate action to sanitize the entire district at the earliest" as agreed in the Memorandum of Understanding signed with the Zomi Students' Federation (ZSF) on August 24,2005.Although the experience of the state's ability to be a proactive partner has been looming large, the civil society took another step to put the state to test where the issue is of safeguarding the "Fundamental Rights" of its citizens.

Meanwhile, it is interesting to note that though the Mine Ban Treaty was a monumental step forward for mankind, India abstained from voting on the November 2001 United Nations General Assembly resolution for universalization of the Mine Ban Treaty as it had done in the previous four years. According to the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), India maintains a stockpile of four to five million anti-personnel mines which is the fifth largest in the world.

More than thirty-five countries in the world have stopped production of landmines and global trade of landmines has almost stopped, but India along with fourteen other countries continues its productions. A visit to the ICBL website reveals the victims of the Indian State's decision to put landmines along the 1,800 mile border with Pakistan in December 2001.

Thousands of acres of Indian farmland have been contaminated with anti-personnel and anti-tanks mines. This has been called the biggest mine-laying operation in the world. While India has claimed that it is not a mine afflicted country, media reports indicate that the Indian Army mined 173,000 acres of land along the line of control in Kashmir and more than 27,000 hectares including 350 villages in Punjab. This has displaced thousands of villagers and more than 400 civilians have been maimed as a result of stepping into these mines.

Since India is not a signatory to the Mine Ban Treaty, does it mean that India has no international obligation to protect civilians, including its own citizens from these landmines?

Is the Manipur Government's inactivity, despite its promises to sanitise Churachandpur district, a manifestation of the Centre not signing the Mine Ban Treaty? The Government of Manipur ought to take the matter seriously as the present problem within the district is a creation and spillover of the ongoing "Operation All Clear" in different parts of the state that is sponsored by the Government of India.

In the face of the threat from landmines and the reluctance and inactivity of the state, the civil society has raised concerns, which has been victims at all levels.

Equal concerns for an active co-operation and unity should constitute the common interest in its bid to tackle the emerging threats gnawing its security. Failure to situate this for a long-term pursuit will be the biggest threat to the population of Churachandpur district.

The Government of Manipur has to enter into a firm commitment to interfere in the affairs of its citizens as the confidence builder for the vulnerable citizens of Churachandpur district. The district has been living for years with proliferation of light weapons or small arms by various armed-groups who acted in the name of safeguarding their interest that only enthused the state to activate its effort towards reinforcement after reinforcement of its military might in collusion with the Centre.

This has for long proved that it cannot be the solution to the problem. To a large extent, while the availability of light weapons has "weaponised" societal discontent and empowered a variety of non-state actors that has become a burden for the state at the moment, the approach adopted by the state cannot be sidelined.

In the absence of any dialogue and negotiations, it allows these "light weapons" to caused a degree of devastation, insecurity and violence in civil society. These has its immense toll on human capital gains, welfare and development that actually took decades to accumulate in the vibrant, multiethnic district that has by its very diversity and size, the potential to grow into a formidable economic, intellectual and cultural pole of power and influence in the state.

This potential is eroded to a large extent from within and without by the presence of a big vacuum left unoccupied by the state. The vicious circle of this has its spillover on the civil societies who are still pinning on democratic expressions and in a more collective manner to wake the state for a more people oriented approach. While it is almost impossible to "roll back" or "cap" the already proliferated weapons of civilian destruction, the government can still hope to sanitise the threat by working it out together with the people.

Once laid, a mine may remain active for up to fifty years. Unless rigorous action is taken, mines placed today will still be killing and maiming people for another long time. Cleansing the minefields will certainly give life back to the community.

The Government of Manipur ought to take up humanitarian mine clearance immediately which was an agreed condition of the MoU with the ZSF.