In Economics, we do talk of convergence. We talk of the convergence of the different countries of the world to a common growth rate; we do talk of the different nations converging on a common development path.

But the convergence I am talking of now is of a different kind. In Manipur, we do now see convergences of a different, or rather the worst kind occurring. We see public-private convergence and private-private convergence. These convergences take the form of either violence or moral corruption.

Role of Leadership: Before I elaborate on these convergences, I would like to devote a few words on the nature of conflict, and the role of leaders. The various tensions and articulations in the State by various groups and communities, including the recent clash between residents of two villages in Ukhrul, establish the unmistakable fight for redistribution in the State.

Since there has been no perceptible change and development in the State, and no positive development being seen in the horizon either, the various groups and communities are embroiled in the struggle for redistribution of whatever is there in the present. It is definitely not a clash of civilisations, and not even a race for development.

It is exactly at this juncture that the role of the State leadership is paramount for converting the fight for redistribution into a race for growth and development. The recent election results have established that there are still positive elements among the people.

The Tamenglong result is a symbolic example of how individual rights get asserted through collective democratic action; there are so many implications of socio-economic dynamics being buried in this particular example.

It is for the State leadership to try to create a strong and committed state by mobilising and giving direction to such forces of change. As far as the Central state is concerned, we know for sure from the stupid 1958 legislation that it is strong. But what is much more critical is the nature of the Manipur state.

Well, elections, as important as they are, are not the ultimate critical element. What ultimately matters are the accountability and responsiveness of the government, for security forces can never permanently secure a state. What is paramount is the responsiveness of the State Government to the calls of development of Manipur.

Let me quote Przeworski here: “A government is ‘responsive’ if it chooses policies which an assembly of citizens, informed as well as the government is, would have chosen by a majority vote. Hence, government may be accountable but not responsive. And, in the end, it is responsiveness that matters”.

It is in such a critical juncture when the Manipur state leaders have to play a vital role that we are now fed with the news of our land in Gurgaon. Without mincing words, I would say that the information emerging is just sickening, and it is no time for the leaders to sicken the public any further.

The leaders in the State have to show an inclination and a capacity to protect the weak and unprotected. But the way they have been projecting the lifting of the silly 1958 legislation from the Imphal municipal areas as a performance of sorts is quite a way off target. It only reflects the continuation of the Imphal-centric view of the State administration.

It also amounts to giving more weightage to the more articulate and vocal population of Imphal while continuing the usual neglect of the less articulate and less vocal population of the interior areas. It is but continuation of the unequal treatment of the less developed groups and places of the State. It is so unfortunate that the State leaders are active agents in the weakening of state institutions and institutional capabilities.

What State Does the Mass Follows: Manipur has so long been subject to violence under the stupid 1958 legislation and another violence of state corruption that violence is now fully institutionalised and legitimised. This is the process of public-private convergence.

It has been quite some time when it has been so difficult to distinguish an interest group organisation indulging in violence and imposing dictates on individuals from the state security forces hammering on citizens. It has also been quite some time when students indulging in contract work have become indistinguishable from the corrupt state leaders.

What Valley Does the Mountains would Follow: Let us take it, the valley had been more corrupt and less sincere than the mountains. But it seems to be no longer so. The recent episode of a students organisation based in Chandel snatching cameras from the journalists, and coming out with a blatant lie as a clarification is an example of a private-private convergence in insincerity.

We were suspicious that the valley based organisations were more “sophisticated” than those of the mountain ones, but they now all turn out to be of equal genre. As a person who has been articulating consistently for greater development intervention in the mountain areas of the State, I find this behaviour of the Chandel-based students’ organisation quite disheartening.

The Bottom-line: The bottom-line is that though we are caught in a vicious circle of convergence in violent, insincerity and corruption levels, should we be glad to remain here?

Well, the answer has to be NO.

Now the next question is: who should bell the cat? Unfortunately and by necessity, we have to fall back on the Gurgaonite leaders.

They need to de-Gurgaonise and de-percentagise themselves, and rise to the call of the times. It is the best of times worst of times for them to prove their mettle.

If they do arise to the calls of the times, history would reward them handsomely.