Ethnic separatism : The Kuki-Chin insurgency of Indo-Myanmar/Burma
- Part 2 -

Telsing Letkhosei Haokip *

Kuki National Front (KNF) arms deposition to GOI under SOO on Sept 15 2010 :: Pix - Leivon Jimmy Lamkang

Historical Background of the Kuki-Chin Movements

In Burma, according to the Chin Hills Regulation of 1896, by a notification in the Burma Gazette (Christian, 1942: 87), the term Chin includes Lushais, Kukis and Burmans domiciled in the Chin Hills and any person who has adopted the customs and language of the Chins and is habitually resident in the Chin Hills. This Kuki-Chin population in 1931 was 343,854, speaking some 45 related dialects of the same language (Christian, 1942: 14). The Chin state in Burma had a population of 281,000 in 1974.

In 1931 the Chins including those resident in the Arakan Hill Tracts and the Irrawaddy Division still totaled 344,000. The various statistical fluctuations reflect contested definitions. It appears that the Chin today may be seriously undercounted and may actually number between 500,000 and 700,000. The total Kuki-Chin population in India and Burma may actually have reached two million. It is well-known that today they are mostly Christians.

Historically, it can be argued, the Chin Hills formed an independent state entity, which was never part and parcel of the ancient kingdoms of Burma and India (Stevenson, 1943: iv-x). When the area was merged into the Union of Burma in 1947, the Panglong Conference Agreement with Burman leaders, discussed further below, sought to secure some degree of continued autonomy for the Chin people.

As briefly outlined earlier, the origins of the Kuki-Chin movement can be traced back to the Anglo-Kuki wars of 1845-1871. This was a time when the British Empire expanded its hegemony in various parts of India. British incursions into the Kuki territories of western Zale'n-gam, the Chittagong Hill Tracts and Assam threatened particularly the Kukis' local self-regulatory powers and led to hostilities between them and the British. Haokip (1998: 73) summarises how, faced with threats to their supremacy, the Kukis of Zale'n-gam held meetings at various places in the hills to organise a concerted campaign against the British and drive them out from Zale'n-gam. They fought the British as early as 1845 and until 1871. Accounts of this Great War have been chronicled by the British themselves, who recorded it as the Great Kuki Invasion of the 1860s.

After this Great War, the Kukis of this area were subjugated, like the other communities, to British control and they dispersed to many more places. Though they tried to rise against the colonial power at various times thereafter, especially in 1917-19 and 1942-45, they never succeeded. By 1947/48 they were faced with three new postcolonial nation states in their traditional territory.

Panglong Convention & Union of Burma

Ethnically and historically, Chins and Burmans considered each other as different people, with a distinct language and culture. The Chin people's revolution in Burma was revived in 1933, when the Chin Union led by U Wanthu Maung and Thakin Aung Min demanded the autonomy of Chinland from the British Governor of Burma. Of course, this was denied. However, the earlier recognition of Chins as a distinct ethnic group by successive Burmese kingdoms seems to have raised fresh hopes that freedom would be speedily achieved by the Chins soon after Burma attained independence from the British in 1948. The administration of free Burma soon fell into chaos, however, partly because various ethnic minority nationals were preparing to severe ties with Burma, hoping to declare independence for themselves. (To be contd)

In this context, U Nu, the first Prime Minister of free Burma, sought to appease these ethnic nationals, calling a convention at Panglong on 12 February 1947. It was attended by members of the Executive Council of the Governor of Burma, and all royals (Saophas) and representatives of the Shan State, the Kachin Hills and the Chin Hills.

The members of this conference believed that freedom would be more speedily achieved by the Shans, Kachins and Chins by giving immediate co-operation to the Interim Burmese Government. The members attending the conference agreed to co-operate without any dissent. An excerpt of the Panglong Agreement, signed on 12 February 1947, is reproduced by Furnivall (1960: 94-6) and Khupzago (1988: 111-3). Basically, it was agreed in nine major points that various forms of representation of different Hill Peoples should be secured, that international principles of democratic arrangements should be observed, and that appropriate finance sharing arrangements should be negotiated between different levels of government.

This was an offer by the local communities to interact with the new state, asking it to take on certain responsibilities in return for the loyalty of the various communities represented. All of the points raised reflect management issues in the local and state-centric balancing of rights and responsibilities in a newly emerging post-colonial polity. In the specific context of Burma, the feasibility of adopting for the Kachin Hills and the Chin Hills financial arrangements similar to those between Burma and the Federated Shan States was suggested (Silverstein, 1989: 89).

Chin Hills Charter of Demands

In order to find out the wishes of the people of the Frontier Areas of Burma, an enquiry commission, called the Frontier Areas Commission of Enquiry was initially formed and authorised by the Aung San-Atlee Agreement (Furnivall, 1960: 94-6). The Commission comprised of eight high dignitaries from different communities, under the chairmanship of Mr. D.R. Rees-William. A few months later, 19 local Chin members were selected at public meetings of the Chin Hills District (Khupzago, 1988: 114-9) to represent the wishes of the people of the Chin Hills to the Frontier Areas Committee of Enquiry.

These representatives included six members from Falam Sub-division, six from Tedim Sub-division, three from Haka Sub-division and four from Kanpetlet Sub-division. They produced a Charter of Demands, to be presented to His Majesty's Government of Burma, submitted on 19 April 1947 at Maymyo to the Enquiry Commission, signed by all 19 representatives from the four sub-divisions of the Chin Hills. This document was originally written in Burmese.

An extract of its translation into English is found in Furnivall (1960: 111-3). Numerous demands related to equal rights for the Chin people after federation with Burma, appropriate representation of their voices and needs, financial provisions for local entities and adequate community representation at central level (see Khupzago, 1988: 114-8). There was even a demand for some form of affirmative action for access of tribal people to education and employment. Significantly, item (xv) still refers to the possibility of secession in case of severe disagreement, though there was a desire to become an integral part of Burma.

Neither the Panglong Agreement of 12 February 1947, nor the Frontier Enquiry Commission of 19 April 1947, yielded any positive results and benefits for the Chins as expected by them. The hope of the Shan, Kachin and Chin people that freedom would be more speedily achieved if immediate co-operation was extended to the Interim Burmese Government was a far cry (Maung, 1961: 229). Much discontentment arose among the main Chin leaders at the intransigent attitude of the Burmese Government, while poverty and the generally low level of development in the region continued. Poverty led many Chins to serve in the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw), instead of devoting themselves to local politics or other activities. Indeed, this became the only career open for them (Fredholm, 1993: 180).

As ethnic insurgency grew, in Burma in 1948, Captain Mang Tung formed the Chin People's Movement for the Rights of the People. This challenged the hereditary community leadership and led to the birth of the Chin National Day on 20 February 1948. In 1957 the Chin People's Freedom League and the Chin Union were amalgamated to protect the rights of Chin people under the constitution. In 1964, after General Ne Win's military coup in 1962, an Anti-Communist Freedom Organisation was formed to struggle for the Chin people. In 1969 Pu Tial Khal formed the Chin Liberation Front (CNF) and became its President, with Thawmluai as Vice-President and Thong Sei (Thawng Sai) as Secretary of Foreign Affairs.

Fredholm (1993: 180) provides much further detail of various Chin groups active in Burma. They were often closely aligned with the Chinese. Since the late 1950s, the main Kuki-Chin armed group had been the Mizo National Front (MNF), which was led most of the time by Laldenga. The MNF was related to the Chins and was also active within Burma, but its main action was focused on India. During the late 1960s, the MNF moved to East Pakistan to seek refuge there. In the early 1970s, China extended unconditional support to the MNF because of its border conflict with India. One Kuki contingent of the MNF, led by Commander Demkhoseh Gangte, marched 3000 miles to China in 1974. This relationship between the MNF and China lasted until the end of the 1970s, when the MNF returned to Burma. Meanwhile Bangladesh had been liberated in 1971 and worked closely with India.

In 1973, there was a sudden change in the relationship between the MNF and some Chin outfits because of the MNF's intention of creating a new state including the Chin Hills of Burma. Obviously, this was not going to be acceptable to Burma. Losing Burmese support, and seeing no other option, the MNF moved north to create a new base in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh. The search for a 'tribal homeland' went on, but led everywhere to bloodshed.

To be continued...