Khwai movement
- Part 2 -

By B Hemchand Sharma *

v) In what sense may we speak Constitutionally of commitment to the poor-suffering indigenous populations? What effect should that commitment have on our Constitutional theory and how we do it, on the understanding of the relation of "SATYA MEVAH JAYATE? and its institution (Parliament) to the poor-suffering indigenous population of East-Asia? Is there a "hidden agenda? in the New Indian Constitutional formulations that has helped to make the institutions more confortable with the mainland Aryan-Hindu-Indian middle and upper classes than with the poor suffering indigenous population of East Asia.

Some Preliminary Assessments To the Aryan-Hindu-Indian, KHWAI movement theory may appear to be an easy target for criticism. KHWAI movement offer the following warnings, than, as questions, aware of our own indigenous importance and of the danger of quick generalization and, compressed. 1. Does Indian Constitutional theory ultimately pay adequate attention to the vertical, right to self-determination (i.e. Right to Historical Independence of the indigenous peoples) dimensions of fundamental rights? In its protest against the Aryan-Hindu-Sanskritization of the MAHABHARATA's theme of "Ancient Rig-Vedic Manipur?: historical cultural hegemony. Has new Indian Constitutional theory lost itself in the socio-economic historical-cultural dimension that also needs underlining?

To say that "SATYA MEVAH JAYATE? is on the side of oppressed indigenous population does not mean that, the oppressed are on the side of Constitution. It is a disease of the whole person of India and whole of society. It is, in short, a state of corruption so profound that poverty, oppression, racism, genocidism, classism and capitalist imperialism : alter the human conditions of the indigenous population.

2. What is the Constitutional gospel prior to the end of the partition independence of India. Is it only a goad to action, a goal to be achieved? Is there a real presence of the Constitutional gospel of fundamental rights before the consummated Republic of India with the MERGER of 565 Princely Sates? Is this why constitutional theory has been charged with what keeps the call for socio-political-economic liberation from slipping into a hoax by socio economic works?

3. Does the Gandhian ideology non-violence (AHIMSA) freedom-struggle of India really serve as an adequate understanding of indigenous population oppression? Is its pessimistic idealism ultimately and less distorted than an optimistic idealism that makes an ideology out of economic growth and individual initiative as only way out of poverty and injustice? Constitutional protection of the autonomous principle of the class-struggle as inviolate, a Gandhian universal "given? (SATYA MEVAH JAYATE) a messianic-like ethic without a messianic commitment with respect to the indigenous population of East-Asia (now Manipur State formerly MEETEI LEIPAK).

4. How will constitutional theory guarantee that the Parliament will control the Praxis or the "first-stage? level of theory? The action-reflection process of Praxis is structured by the Marxist "pre-understanding? of social; this appears to be an irrevocable "given? in understanding the very nature of Praxis. Revolutionary Premise KHWAI MOVEMENT is a word with many meaning. But if we choose from its many possible synonyms the key one which expresses its essence most accurately : KHWAI MOVEMENT, is a revolution. "A view from below" and "a Revolution from above". It is directly related to "ACT LOCAL THINK GLOBAL".

A decisive acceleration of the socioeconomic and historical cultural development of the Indigenous Peoples society of the North Eastern India, which involves radical changes on the way to a qualitatively NEW STATE is undoubtedly a revolutionary task. Indigenous Historical experience has shown that the NEW Indian Constitution is not insured against the emergence and accumulation of stagnant tendencies and even major socio-political crises. And precisely measures of a revolutionary character that are necessary for overcoming a crisis or pre-crisis since the advent of Aryan Hindu and, British and then Indian Union; with the indigenous peoples of the East Asians. The most important thing there here is that KHWAI MOVEMENT is capable of revolutionary changes, because it is, by its very nature, dynamic. KHWAI MOVEMENT put this tasks on the agenda.

The gravity accumulated and emerging problems, and the delay in their understanding and solution necessitated acting in a revolutionary way and proclaiming the revolutionary overhaul of Indigenous societies : The making of the UNITED STATES OF ASIA indigenous i.e. the USAi. The majority of the regions? indigenous peoples; contain reflections and express about the indigenous - FUTURE: Out of FUTURE SHOCK. It is as if what has been painfully witheld in the long years of silence and estrangement has been given vent. The new situation encourage peoples to speak up and they want to relate their thoughts ideas and troubles not just to a friend or relative, but to the nations? leader.

Future shock which defined as the disorientation and stress brought on by trying to cop with too many changes in too short a time - argued of its own, independent of the actual directions of change. The simple speed-up of events of reaction times produces as good or bad. It also held that individuals, organizations and even nations can be overloaded with too much change too soon, leading to disorientation and a breakdown in their capacity to make intelligence adaptive decisions. They could, in short, suffer from Future Shock.

KHWAI movement is a revolutionary process for it is a jump forward and, a quantum leap in the development of the new Indian constitution after the partition between India and Pakistan in 1947 and, the partition of Bangladesh in 1972, in the realization of its essential characteristics. It is very important not to say too long on the starting line, to overcome the lag, to get out of the quagmire of conservatism i.e. extra constitutionalism or, extra-parliamentary terrorism; the best example is (AFSPA Act. Of 1958), and to break the inertia of stagnation since 1709 upto 2009/2010, complete three centuries irresistible grasps : multi-genocide mentality - that is, Aryan Indo - European Genocidic nature.

A revolution is governed by the laws of politics, by the art of the possible - the main task is to create a basis for advance to qualitatively new frontiers of the emerging Third Wave civilization. The theory of revolution means construction, but it always implies demolition. Revolution require the demolition of all that is obsolete, stagnant and hinders fast progress. Without demolition, we cannot clear the site for new construction. Khwai movement also means a resolute and radical elimination of obstacles hindering social and economics development, outdated Second Wave obsolete institutions, methods of managing the economy and of dogmatic stereotype mentality.

But what about the fact that shops are lacking many goods? This is what we should sound alarm about, and not cry in panic : "Help" the "New Indian Constitution is in JEOPARDY!" Politics is undoubtedly the most important thing in any revolutionary process, and is equally true with KHWAI movement. Therefore, attaching priority to political measures, broad and genuine democratization, the resolute struggle against red tape and violations of law, and the active involvement of the indigenous masses in managing the country?s affairs.

All this is directly linked with the main question of power in terms of 21st century. It focuses on the cruelty changes role of knowledge in relationship to power. It presents a new theory of social power, and explores the coming shifts in business, the economy, politics, and global affairs. Nevertheless as we advanced into the terra incognita of tomorrow, it is better to have a general and incomplete map, subject to revision and correction than to have no map at all. Power is shifting at so astonishing a rate that world leaders are being swept along by "event? rather than imposing order or them.

There is strong reason to believe that the forces now shaking power at every level of the human system will become more intense and pervasive in the years immediately ahead. Out of this massive restructuring power relationship, like the shifting and grinding of tectonic plates in advance of an earthquake, will come one of the rarest event in the humans history: a revolution in the very nature of power. A "powershift? does not merely transfer power. It transforms it.

Not to change Indian power, of course, or abandon its fundamental principles, but we acknowledge the need for changes that will strengthen Democratic secularism and make it more dynamic and politically meaningful. That is why : every reason to characterise the plans for the full-scale democratization of Indian constitution as a program for changes in political system. If we want KHWAI movement succeed - gear all our work to the political tasks, methods of leadership and an indigenous political system.

A political system must not only be able to make and enforce decision; it must operate on the right scale, it must be able integrate disparate policies, it must be able make decision at the right speed and it must both reflect and respond to the diversity of the indigenous society. If it fails on any of these points it courts disaster. The problem is no longer a matter of "left wing" or "right wing," "the strong leadership" or "weak" or, "indigenous". The original meaning of the concept of Khwai Movement is : a grass - roots movement whose strength lies primarily in man?s consciousness and activity, has again come to the fore - the "revolution from above" (not to be confused with coups détat and palace revolutions).

What is meant is profoundly and essentially revolutionary changes implemented on the initiative of the authorities themselves but necessitated by the objective changes in the situation and in social moods. A distinctive feature and strength of Khwai movement that it is simultaneously a revolution "from above" and "from below". This is one of the most reliable guarantees of its success and irreversibility. Persistently seek to ensure that the masses the people "below" attain all their democratic rights and learn to use them in a habitual, competent and responsible manner.

Indigenous peoples life convincingly confirms that at sharp turns of history, in revolutionary situation, the people demonstrate a remarkable ability to listen, understand and respond if they are told the truth. That is why it is so important that Khwai movement maintains a high level of political (i.e. grand politics) and labour energy amongst the indigenous masses. SATYA MEVAH JAYATE. Life is short and time is long. So lets us speak truth. Truth knows no party.

The "revolutionary premise? assumes that, even though the decades immediately ahead are likely to filled with upheavals, turbulence, perhaps even widespread violence, will not totally, destroy ourselves. It assumes that the jolting changes we are now experiencing are not chaotic or random but that, infact, they for sharp, clearly discernible pattern; writes ALIVIN TOFFLER. It assumes, moreover, that these changes are cumulative that they work, play and think and that a sane and desirable future is possible. In short, what follows begins with the premise that what is happening now is nothing less than a global revolution, a quantum jump in history - the OLDEST KNOWN and, ISOLATED INDIGENOUS CIVILISATION OF MEETEILEIPAK.

All of them represent an attack on the assumption that whole can be understood by studying the parts in isolation - The attack reaches its culmination, however in the emerging new view of why things happen as they do : the new causality. A stray event can thus trigger a fantastic chain of unexpected consequences. This tells us why change is so often hard to track and extrapolate, so filled with surprise. It is why a slow, steady process can suddenly convert into an explosive change, or vice versa. And this in turn explain why similar starting conditions may lead to sharply dissimilar outcomes - an idea alien to the Second Wave mentality. Is everything predictable in principle, as Second Wave mechanical causality implied? Or are things inherently, unavoidably predictable, as critics of mechanism has insisted?

Are we governed by chance or necessity? The Third Wave causality has exciting new things to say about this ancient contradiction as well. In fact, it helps us escape at last from the either/or trap that for so long has fitted determinists against anti-determinists - necessity against chance. Yet the organization and institutional structure of govt. leads interminable jurisdictional power struggle, to the externalization of costs (each agency attempting to solve its own problems at the expense of another) and to the generation of adverse effects. This is why each attempt by the Govt. to cure a problem, often worse than the original.

Conversely, in every society a fringe of pseudorevolutionaries, steeped in obsolete Second Wave assumptions, for whom no proposed changes is radical enough. Archaeo-Marxists, anarcho-romantics, right-wing fanatics, armchair guerrillas, and honest-to-God terrorists, dreaming of totalitarian technocracies or medieval utopias. Even as we speed into a new horizontal zone, they nurse dreams of revolution drawn from the yellowed pages of yesterday?s political tracts. Most of us know, or sense, how dangerous a world we live in. we know that social instability and political uncertainties can unleash Savage energies. We know what war and economic cataclysm mean, and we remember how often totalitarianism has spring from noble intentions and social breakdown. What most people seem to ignore, however, are the positive differences between present and past.

Circumstances differ from country to country, but never in history have there been so many reasonably educated people, collectively armed with so incredible a range of knowledge. Above all, never have so many had so much to gain by guaranteeing that the necessary changes, though profound, be made peacefully. Elites, no matters how enlightened, cannot by themselves make new civilization. The energies of whole people will be required. But those energies are available, waiting to be tapped.

Indeed, if we, particularly in the Geo-politically sixty millions years old remote and isolated indigenous population region of formerly the Kingdom of Meeteileipak, one time Asiatic-Sovereign Ex-Nation-State; took as our explicit goal for the "next generation? the creation of wholly new Institution and Constitution, we could released something far more powerful even than energy: the collective imagination - the USAi - of the East. " THE REPUBLIC OF HUMANITY". The USAi : its ideas come from the "REDIFINITION OF MANIPUR (STATE)", and is, directly proportional to the REDISCOVERY OF MEETEILEIPAK. All colours will agree in the dark.

Hence, the USA is the "HISTORY OF A HISTORY" of an "ANCIENT-LIVING WORLD CULTURE" can be summed up as the elaboration of ever more perfected eyes within a "COSMIC EVOLUTION" (that is, KULTUR or, and ZEITGEIST in German; the "WORLD?S UNBORN SOUL" of Indian Philosopher - KING Dr. S. RADHAKRISHANAN) in which there is always something more to be seen in the indigenous ANCIENT ISOLATED Civilization of Meeteileipak (i.e. Meeteileipak : Sanskritized and Hinduized in Manipuri of the Mahabharata?s Manipur, Since 1709 uptill, and now, INDIAN Union since 1949).

Dr. S.RadhaKrishanan Former President of India 1962-1967 truly said that: Friends of Peace in India have now a great opportunity of working for the larger objective and binding India to pretend. Such a partnership would have to terminate the age longed conflict of East and West and be of lasting benefit to the Human race. If a political system could contain to great sections of mankind, one European and other Asiatic on a footing of Justice and Equality in a community of spirit, it will prepare for the world Federation.

It requires nothing more than goodwill and sympathy. Are they difficult to get? Lord Haldance sometime before his dead wrote in a letter to me: "We Britishers are lacking in imagination and so fail in sympathy". Theoretical justice, practical commonsense, a perception of the realities of the case and world peace demand Indian Freedom and it is the duty of the clear sighted forward looking to foster. Sir William James (1842-1910) of Harvard University, "In the Meaning of Truth? (1990) - in the HIBBERT lectures under the title of A PLURALISTIC UNIVERSE, he said : "If there be any life that it is really better we should lead, and if there be any idea which, if believed in, would help us to lead that life, then it would be really better for us to believe in that idea, unless, indeed, belief in it incidentally clashed with other greater vital benefits".

By launching a vast process of social learning - an experiment in anticipatory democracy in many at once - we can head off the totalitarian thrust. We can prepare poor -suffering indigenous millions for the dislocations and dangerous crises that lie before us. And we can place strategic pressure on existing political systems to accelerate necessary changes.

Without this tremendous pressure from below, we should not expect many of today?s nominal leaders - Presidents, Prime Ministers and Politicians, MP?s, senators and central committee members or congress - to challenges the very institutions that, no matter how obsolete, give them prestige, money, and the illusion, if not the reality, of power. Some unusual, far-seeing politicians or officials will lend their early support to the struggle for political transformation. But most will move only when the demands from outside are irresistible or when the crisis is already so advanced, and so close to violence, that they see no alternatives.

If the past cannot teach the present and the father cannot teach the son, then history need not have bothered to go on, and the world has wasted a great deal of time. The right question is usually more important than the right answer to the wrong questions. "To asks larger questions is to risk getting things wrong. Not to ask them at all is to constrain the life of understanding" says the critic, George Steiner.

Asking the very largest of questions about our future (of the Indigenous population of EAST ASIA), is not merely a matter of intellectual curiosity. It is a matter of survival. The then Prime Minister of Indian Union, Pandit Nehru called Manipur (i.e. Meeteileipak) as the "Paradise of the East?. Even in Paradise, a man?s life worth living as much as his ability can survive.

SATYA MEVA JAYATE

Concluded ....