A deeper exploration of the term 'Hill-Valley Divide'

Birendra Laishram *

The question of Hill-Valley divide invites a deeper exploration of the complicated social and cultural dynamics that characterise the region. Manipur is home to three principal communities: the Tangkhul-Naga and the Kuki-the hill-dwellers, who inhabit the elevated terrains which are termed as hills, and the valley-dwellers the Meitei, who primarily reside in urbanized valley areas consisting of less than 10 per cent of the total area.

After the intended communal clashes started from 3/5/2023 while it is possible for the Meitei to travel to the hills inhabited by the Naga, and for the Naga to come down to the valley, the Kuki tribes often impose restrictions on Meitei access to the areas they claim and the routes reaching the Tangkhul-Naga areas.

The concept of the "Hill-Valley divide" manufactured by the Kuki infiltrators serves as a complex narrative that compresses the historical, socio-economic, and political tensions that exist between the hill tribes and the Meitei community.

The original Khongsai, were forcibly, renamed Kuki under threat by the Kuki militant groups who immigrated to the region later. Despite the challenges they faced during these clashes, the original Khongsai tribes still expressed a strong desire to live in harmony alongside the hospitable Meitei community.

To sustain their livelihoods, the Kuki communities and the Khongsai people began selling various agricultural and forest products to the Meitei, facilitating these transactions through intermediaries, including the Muslim community and numerous other tribal groups.

The Meitei community, recognizing the value of the produce provided by the Khongsai, actively purchased their goods and managed to convey the costs associated with these transactions back to the Khongsai through these intermediary communities. This system of trade and interaction not only served to meet the needs of both the Khongsai and the Meitei but also fostered a sense of cooperation among the various cultures involved.

The Kuki infiltrators aim to escalate tensions by presenting themselves as victims of Meitei and Naga attacks. When the Meitei do not respond to their provocations, the infiltrators incite the Tangkhul Naga by encouraging looting and obstructing the movement of Tangkhul-Naga to incite retaliation. Ultimately, they will claim that they have been attacked and demand a Separate Administration.

There were instances where Kuki individuals faced dire consequences for expressing their willingness to coexist peacefully with the Meitei communities. The demand for a Separate Administration does not represent all Kuki people; it predominantly reflects the desires of armed infiltrators who impose their will on innocent tribes at gunpoint.

Meitei along with Kuki elites enjoy a more urbanized lifestyle and greater prosperity due to their existence in the capital city. The Kuki infiltrators, elites and some hired poor Kuki inevitably led to various forms of conflict, including looting, illegal taxing and road blockades under the nose of the security forces as a means of expressing their grievances instead of democratic approaches. But no community physically restricted their activities to avoid conflicts.

The Kuki hill tribe claims significant challenges such as poor infrastructure, limited access to quality education, and inadequate healthcare services, primarily due to their unique demographic and geographic circumstances.

Funding distribution between the hills and the valley is shaped by intricate demographic, geographic, and political factors, with the Chief Minister playing a crucial role in these decisions alongside various Government bodies.

A key reason for the perceived funding disparity favouring the more developed Imphal Valley is the high demand for services in the valley, which serves all communities, coupled with the administrative needs of the capital city.

Moreover, the guidelines of the Government of India’s schemes deny construction of infrastructure and other developmental works to such places where the number of house-holds and populations in village are lesser than prescribed norms.

The Kuki households make use of the village lands and resources for as long as the headman finds it agreeable. This means that no individual's property is allowed to be taken away from the village if the individuals decide to leave the village voluntarily or if circumstances arise that lead to their expulsion from the village by the headman.

This creates a significant level of uncertainty, as individuals do not have a clear understanding of how long they will continue to be in the headman's good favour. Consequently, many affluent individuals from the hill regions are reluctant to invest in constructing expensive houses within the village, as their tenure and status could change at any moment.

They will simultaneously invest in the capital city where they can buy land as their own and construct expensive houses making the capital city look more developed.

The current situation has broader implications, particularly due to wealthy individuals from the hill communities in the valley, which raises concerns about the fair distribution of benefits intended for tribal communities.

Their proximity does not address ongoing issues related to resource accessibility or the effects of the lower population density in the hills, which significantly influence the allocation of essential resources and economic opportunities. This results in an uneven playing field for the very communities that the system aims to support.

Consequently, the dynamics between the headman, villagers, and wealthy hill residents create a complex network of social and economic challenges that require attention.

Furthermore, the issue of utility payments and revenue generation from residents in the hills complicates the situation even further. Some hill residents do not pay for essential services such as electricity and water, which adversely affects the overall revenue generation for the state.

Addressing these disparities requires a commitment to equitable development practices and transparent governance, ensuring that all communities, regardless of their geographic location, can benefit from the available resources.

In conclusion, it is evident that funding allocation varies significantly due to the demographic and geographic reasons. The MLA’s Local Area Development funds allocated to the MLAs of Delhi is rupees 10 crore annually whereas in Manipur it is only two crore rupees. We cannot say that this disparity results in unequal development across the region, a situation that is exacerbated by various demographic and geographic factors.

Despite existing tensions, the Kuki aim to intensify conflict with support from Chin/Kuki and some Indian forces and assert that Manipur is split into hills and valleys. Yet, the Tangkhul-Naga and the Meitei live peacefully together in one another's villages.

The Kuki do not represent all tribes in Manipur and should avoid claiming solidarity for others. Most Kuki groups are labelled "tribal" rather than Kuki. The real division in Manipur is between Kuki and Meitei, not hill-valley.