Political climate of Manipur during the transitionary period, 1946-52
- Some reflections -
- Part 1 -

Dr Priyadarshni M Gangte *

Monarchy was the form of governance before 1947 in Manipur with the written Constitution "Loyumba Shilyen" or "Loiyamba Shinyen" since "Meidingu Loyamba" (Loiyamba) who reigned in the 11th Century A.D. in 1074 – 1112 A.D. Administration of this small kingdom had been carried out by a system of representations, of course, not exactly like Legislative Assembly or Council of Ministers of contemporary times, however, under constitutional monarch till 1891 when Manipur was kept under the British Paramountcy.

It was the "Ningthou Pongba Tara", (the ten regional chieftains) and ("Phamdou Humphumari", nobles selected by the monarch to represent 32 divisions of the kingdom, two members each from every divisions), was, in fact resembling modern parliament. Thus, these two categories of noblemen assisted the king by advising and guiding in order to regulate the administration effectively at different points of time by different kings. Legacy of Manipur was horizontal as well as vertical according to time and situation. In the pre-colonial times the "Phamdou Humphumari" played a great role in maintaining stability and upholding, inter alia, the socio cultural ties among the inhabitants who were different communities.

In this regard, Roy emphatically contended that the institution of monarchy contended that the institution of monarchy in Manipur successfully played its historical role in two ways : viz one in maintaining the stability of the society by effectively working its influence due to its descent from legendary Pakhangba and Babrubahan through religious sentiment, of the people of the valley and other by the direct personal allegiance of all subjects towards the monarch (Roy's claiming of decency from Babrubahan is perhaps seems to be an exaggerations therefore it needs to further research). However, with consolidation of British administration in Manipur drove a wedge in the unity by dividing the political authority separately for the hills and valley, and, as a matter of the fact, i.e. divide and rule policy, the Manipuris have been facing the ethnic crisis even today. divide between Hills and Valley.

Democratic terms like Legislative Assembly or Legislative Council was not incepted at all. The Manipuris influenced by the Civil Disobedience Movement started by Mahatma Gandhi in British India, started agitation for the establishment Government in Manipur since 1939. The Manipur State Congress, a branch of the INC supported the proposal and the Maharaja accepted it, and formed a constitution – making committee named as the Manipur State Constitution Making Committee of whose Chairman was Mr. F.F. Pearson, POS (Indian Political Service) the then President of the Darbar.

The Committee framed the Constitution known as the Manipur Constitution Act which was brought into force in 1948. Meanwhile a Council of Ministers also known as His Highness Maharaja in Council with a Chief Minister was constituted by the Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh before the conduction of elections to the Legislative Assembly after dissolving the Manipur State Darbar on 30 June, 1947 before the Indian independence. Thus, as for Manipur after 1891, she ceased to be a sovereign power and a era of colonialism continued till 1947 .

The Council of Ministers were composed of
(1) Mr. F.F. Pearson, I.P.S.(Chief Minister);
(2) Maharajkumar Priyobrata Singh (MK. P.B. Singh);
(3) Shri Sougaijam Somorendra Singh,
(4) Shri Sanjenbam Nodiachand Singh
(5) Waikhom Chaoba Singh and
(6) Moulavi Qazi Md. Walimullah. (No.2-6 were all Ministers).

However, it did not last long, the Maharaja dissolved the Council on 13 August, 1947 and an Interim Council was brought into existence at 7.15 a.m. of 14th August, 1947. The period of "His Highness Maharaja in Council" lasted for a period only one and half month, i.e. 1st July, 1947 – 13th August, 1947.

The Interim Manipur Council initially consisted of 6(six) Ministers -
(1) Shri Konjengbam Gouro Singh (Education and Press),
(2) Moulavi Basiruddin Ahmed (Jail, Medical and Public Works);
(3) Shri Sinam Krishnamohon Singh (Finance, Commerce, Forest, Agriculture & Veterinary);
(4) Rajkumar Bhubonsana Singh (Revenue);
(5) Maharajkumar Priyobrata Singh (Chief Minister).

Soon after two hillmen – (i) Mr. T.C. Tiankham (Forest) and (ii) Major Bob K. Khating (Hill affairs) were inducted.

The Legislative Assembly was unicameral. The members were elected for a term of three years. Adult franchise was the basis in the valley whereas in the hill, it was only the Chief who had the right to vote. It will be pertinent to know that how the election was held. Elections were held for 53 seats of which six were filled up without contest, five from the Hills and one from the Valley, i.e. Jiri Constituency. There were 192 (one hundred and ninety-two) candidates filed for candidature for the remaining 47 (forty-seven) seats.

Regarding politics in Manipur Hills 1946-52, Irawat was, in fact the first person who wanted to keep the integrity of Manipur, therefore, under his leadership, the Praja Sangha organised a joint meeting of the representatives of the political parties of the Hills and Valley of Manipur.

The following organizations were represented in the meeting :
(i)Tangkhul Long.
(ii) Kuki National Assembly,
(iii) Kabui Association,
(iv) Khulmi Union,
(v) Mizo Union,
(vi) Manipur Praja Sabha,
(vii) Manipuri Krishak Sabha,
(viii) Meitei Marup and
(ix) Nongpok Apunba Marup 17.

This Conference demanded a full responsible government and decided to keep the territorial integrity of Manipur and formed a United Front of Manipur 18. It was, of course, a rare historical event of its kind where nine organizations belonging to different ethnic communities from hills and plain, held at Manipur Dramatic Union, on 30th November, 1947 presided by M.K. Shimray of Tangkhullong Irawat, rendering his speech, focused on the politics of the Naga National Council and its impacts on Manipur. Thus we notice the affirmative policy in Irawat's political aspiration, i.e. to bring unity among the hill and plain peoples.

Lamphel Singh of Meitei Marup, Ibomcha Singh and Kanhai Singh of Krishak Sabha, Lunneh of Kuki National Assembly and Kakhangai Kabui of Kabui Association gave speeches on the various socio-economic problem that the people of both the plain and the hill areas had been facing. The meeting realized genuine necessaries for forming a United Front of all the parties in the hills and plain and therefore, resolved to constitute an organizing committee with Irabot Singh as the President and M.K. Shimray as the Secretary.

Since then, none of the political parties whether national or regional parties of Manipur, such as the Congress, the Socialist, the Praja Santi Sabha and the Krisak Sabha had interested to open their account in the hill areas, perhaps, due to orthodox Hinduism, an impact of cultural colonialisation, which was firmly entrenched in the valley. Thus different attitude shown towards the hill as well as valley people by their socio-political leaders also could easily seen, perhaps, out of cultural arrogance.

When the Meiteis became the followers of Vaishnavism this historically given cultural arrogance, according the value system of the new faith, has been express in the framework of pollution parity relationship and has alienated the non-Hindu tribes. The tribes who have embraced Christianity, also have alienated themselves from the Meiteis. This social gap resulted from the mutual alienation became wider and wider with the metamorphosis of the colonial subjects into free citizens of independent India because political democratization has stimulated primordial sentiments.

Therefore, specifically in the areas of Kuki dominance the Kuki National Assembly and the Mizo got political momentum for the time being. And, as a matter of fact, the national parties had no place in the tribal areas at all during this political phase of historical importance and significance.

To be continued...