Traditional warfare of the Zeliangrong - Part 2 -
Budha Kamei *
A Scene from The Zeliangrongs :: Pix by Haobam Ronel (Director)
The Angami Nagas, before they set out on a war expedition, all assemble together and decide on the village to be attacked, and the village chief appointed to command the party(warriors) does consult the usual omens, which proving favourable, a fowl is killed and cooked, and all partake of it. Then, they provide themselves with spears, shields, and a Panjie Choonga, and cooking two days' food wrap it up in leaves in baskets with meat, and set out for the village to be attacked.
The Tswana people of Africa, before going to war, they assemble at the capital, where it receives magical treatment to fortify it and is harangued by the chief. While it is away he and his doctors work destructive magic against the enemy, and the people at home also observe certain taboos.
Among the Zeliangrong, before the warriors set off their feet for battlefield the village chief (Nampou) would bless them and worship the Almighty God for their success in war mission. Nampou would wait at his house or at a place observing food taboo (Lumthengna) until the warriors return home. He would not sleep with his wife.
According to Zeliangrong custom and tradition, the person who violated the marriage code is not permitted to participate despite his courageous and strong physique in the belief that it will give misfortune and trouble to the warriors. Similarly, the husband of a pregnant woman also is not allowed. Cowards were mocked in the presence of the girls (Tunagoihukhou). Usually, the warriors set out from the Ritu Kaibang; the Nampei, assistant of Nampou and Khangtanpou would lead the warriors.
In theory, Nampou is to act as supreme commander in war. And before leaving the same place, Nampei would distribute a piece of ginger (Gu) to every warrior for safety and protection as ginger is considered to be the fingers of Haipou Mhucharakhandijungpu, divine priest of Tingkao Ragwang, the Supreme God.
At the same time, Khangtanpou would bring out a pot of rice beer (Joungaolai Khat) with meat chutney (Sharoutam) which they ate and drank after libation of holy wine to Tingkao Ragwang (Joupan Keimei). This imposes on them (warriors) the duty of carrying out the mission successfully. Drinking of holy wine means one is sanctified.
They would halt a while at the village gate (Raang), where the Nampei would observe omen by stick (Thigpei Daan); if the omen is favourable, they would go for war, but if not, they would return home. Thingpei Daan is performed in this way that the Nampei distributes a piece of stick to every warrior, then he collects the same pieces of stick and wrap them up in a banana leaf; with the package of stick in his hand, the same person prays to God saying: "We are human beings, we do know nothing please tell us the truth whether we will win or lose in the fighting." If the Nampei finds all the pieces of stick while opening the package, then it is considered as good omen, but if some sticks are gone astray, a bad omen, they will lose some warriors in the fighting.
After omen taking rite, the Nampei also would worship Bambu, the northern presiding deity of the village by offering an egg (Charungbung) for safety and protection and success in the raid/attack. This rite separates them from their own land. The village gate (Kairong Raang) is the boundary between the foreign and domestic worlds and therefore, to cross the threshold is to unite oneself with a new world.
Generally, in the tribal inhabited areas there are unclaimed zones of forests between the territories where everyone has the full rights to travel and hunt. While the warriors are in the neutral zone between two villages (worlds) is considered as transitional period and they offered a piece of ginger to the presiding deity (Shong) of the virgin forests not to give trouble to them.
As soon as they reached in the vicinity of the enemy village they offered a piece of ginger to the village presiding deity (Gucheng Phaimei) not to give trouble; this rite integrates them into the new environment/world. The whole mode of warfare of the Zeliangrong is to surprise the enemy.
The warriors reached the village to be attacked, near which they did lie in ambush during the night till the break of day, when they did rush in upon it with a great noise, and spear the first they met with, and afterwards cut off the head, hands, and feet, of their enemies, as many as fell victims to their rage, which they carried back in triumph to their own village. An attack is of very short duration, and over almost as soon as it has begun.
After successful raid/attack, they would return by crossing the neutral zone and stop a moment at the village gate where they were sanctified with smoke of Kham, a kind of leaf and fire (Mhai); after that a piece of ginger was offered to the Bambu as thanksgiving. Then, they moved inside the village by crossing the village gate.
Thus, the warriors are separated from the foreign world and return into the society. The war trophies enemies' heads or skulls locally called Rihpi which they brought home would be placed at the premises of Ritu Kaibang, and perform Rihshang Tuna Kabaomei ritual for whole day and night singing war songs such as Sheilu, Rihlu etc. to keep themselves awake.
In the ritual celebration, they would throw rice, pork meat and spirits over the skulls and tell the skulls to call their relatives.
Among the Nagas inhabiting on the Burma side of the Patkoi Range, when heads had been taken in a raid, or while resisting an attack, the victory was celebrated as follow: The heads are placed at the bow, the braves who has assisted to procure the heads line up on either side of the war drum holding in their hands wooden stakes or paddy-pounders.
With these they pound the drum together, with regular uniform strokes, at the same time chanting their song of victory and shouting loudly. It is said that the sound carried very far, from five to six miles, and could be heard in the enemy villages across the Namphuk Valley. At the end of the celebration the heads were removed and permanently affixed to a tree trunk in the vicinity of the village.
During the course of the year, from time to time the braves are said to dance before the skulls, thus reviving the memories of the victory gained. Among the Tinguians of north-western Luzon, Philippine Islands, the warriors, following the return of a successful war, "a great celebration attended with much singing, dancing and drinking of sugar-cane spirit, is held."
Among the Angami Naga, the man who has cut off the head does place it under his bedstead five days and during that time the warriors eat no food prepared by women, and do not cook in their accustomed cooking pot. After the fifth day, however, the heads or skulls are buried, and a great feast is given of pigs and cows, after which they bathe and return to their avocations.
On the next day of Rihshang Tuna Kabaomei, the warriors would bury the war heads or skulls somewhere at the Daanshanpung, village jumping ground. After that an elder of Pei would sanctify the whole village with Ten Mhaimit, a kind of thatching grass. It is the responsibility of the Nampei and Khangtanpou to bring back the body of the warrior who lost in the fight; otherwise they were looked down for their irresponsibility.
When the Rih Ngai, war festival comes the warriors will secretly remove the heads or skulls and perform Ritak Ganna Kabaomei ritual at the Ritu Kaibang. In the ritual performance, one is permitted to demonstrate his bravery through oral and action. In some societies, a man who has slain an enemy is given the right to distinguish himself wearing some special decoration or in other ways. The man who could bring enemy head or slay enemy was highly honoured and respected as a warrior. It is alleged that they killed the enemy in order to protect the innocent women and children of the village; otherwise the enemy would slay them and devastate the village.
And at the time of his (warrior) death, Kabaomei ritual would be performed in his house in the presence of villagers including Pei elders and his body would be carried by the youths of dormitory from one end of the village to another exposing his courage and bravery before burial. The transportation of the warrior dead body is said to be comparable with the tiger who roams on the high mountain range (Kamang Longpum Ruimei) with growl.
In view of S. N. Barua, the object of the tribal war is to "bring fame and economic gain to the chief and to decorate the warrior himself with tattoo marks and other awards in recognition of his valour and to enjoy special privilege" in the society. It appears that tribal warfare is a combination of economic and headhunting. In this way, the Zeliangrong, in the distant past, conducted raids/attacks on other villages and celebrated their victory.
"Headhunting was once an institutionalised cultural practice among all the Naga tribes which has social and religious sanction. A Naga method of fighting and headhunting was a combination of individual enterprise and teamwork. Individual bravery was greatly admired and each warrior sought to distinguish himself by taking as many as possible.
Every Naga aspired to take an enemy's head and flaunt his bravery for it not only brought him prestige, honour and entitlement to wear the much coveted warrior's paraphernalia, but in killing an enemy he was doing good for the village, in fact for the survival of the village." Headhunting was a widespread practice among the Austronesia speaking peoples of Southeast Asia. This practice is one of the affinities between Southeast Asians and North East Indians. Geographically and culturally, North East India is also a part of South East Asia. Scholars give different views of headhunting.
Before 200-350 A.D., headhunting was in most parts of Southeast Asia and Melanesia. By the turn of the 20th century, headhunting was still practiced only by a minority of small ethno-linguistic groups (sometimes called 'tribes') in Burma (Myanmar), Assam in India, the northern Philippine mountains, highland Melanesia, and Kalimantan in Indonesia. Colonial rule in Southeast Asia had all, but wiped out the practice by 1930.While the literature on headhunting is vast; one can concentrate the interpretations into five major interpretive frameworks. They are briefly given below:
From the 1500s to 1800s, colonial powers/Europeans were not used to the ritualized violence related to headhunting in Southeast Asia and understood little about its connection to native cosmology, agricultural and human fertility and religious power. Instead, their own conceptions of morality and proper ways to engage in violence accepted face-to-face combat as the manly way to wage war or solve territorial battles.
On the other hand, colonial masters treated the Southeast Asians as savages in dire need of civilized influence. Headhunting was conducted in the area by a surprise attack. Consequently, victims of headhunting were innocent children and women as well as men as fulfilling the religious, vengeance goals of Southeast Asians did not need one to differentiate one kind of victim as more worthy than another. On the contrary, Europeans considered women and children were helpless people.
Other differences included the way in which heads were ritually displayed in public—an affront to European sensitivities about the dead. These differences made them (colonial masters) possible to justify differential policies of social and military control in areas where headhunting was prevalent, compared to areas where it was not prevalent.
To be continued..
* Budha Kamei write this articlee for to The Sangai Express
This article was posted on February 24, 2015.
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