Formation of Muslim Community in Manipur during the 17th and 18th Centuries
- Part 4 -

Md. Chingiz Khan *

Eid-ul-fitre celebration by Manipuri Muslims at Hatta, Minuthong, Imphal on 09 August 2013 :: Pix - Deepak Oinam

Cross-cultural language interactions took place in Manipur since the days of arrival of Muslims in Manipur in the sense that some Urdu, Arabic, Farsi words were introduced in Manipur like Hokum, Dukan, Khabar, Amil, Wakil, Rumal, Dalali, Darbar, Diwan, Sarkar, Gulab, Sabun, Haq, Sabi, Sanam (in the sense of mistress/sweet heart), Qalam, Dalil, Sahar, Bazaar and many others. It may be said that the use of Persian and Arabic words had enriched and beautified the Meiteilon language considerably (Sanajaoba 2005: 459). Some Turkish words were also introduced like Coolie. Further, some words were a combination of Urdu and Meitei words say for instance, Dadash + Ahal = Dahal (elder brother), Bahin + Ahal = Beihal ( elder sister) and Hanum + Hanba = derivation from Hinam and Hanba- return of bride and groom to bride parents residence after three or five or seven days of marriage. Other words were independently coined like Ithou-Ibok (grandmother).

Besides these, the Muslims used words slightly different from Meiteis like lapkang for leikang (soot), ipunga for ipuwa (younger brother), mayem for mayum (house), kanthra for kantha (quilt), etc. (Irene 2010: 161). Such type of cross-cultural language interaction created in enriching the Manipuri language. In this context, T.C. Hodson emphasized that "the title Shahi used by the successors and sons of Garib Niwaz has been suggested to me as due to a temporary predominance of Muhammadans influence in Manipur" (Hodson 1975: 58). The title Garib Niwaz was regarded as given by a Muslim as to King Pamheiba (Khan 1972: 27). Hence, these interactions helped in the way of creating a sound and healthy community in Manipur through exchange and borrowing of ideas and traditions since the early days.

In the similar vein, the belief system of Manipuri Muslims was also shaped tremendously by the local dominant community which could be descried Bhut (ghost), Lairen (a form of python), Heloi, Maiba (traditional doctor in the ministrations of bodily disability like puncturing of dog, Najr or Mihu). It does not mean that they were not following the basic teachings of Islam. Indeed, they strictly adhered to the basic teachings of Islam. But some scholars claimed that they have no Masjid and are for the most part very ignorant of the religion they profess (Brown 1975: 15).

Another scholar B.C. Allen said that there were no masonry mosques in the state and foreign Muslims in Imphal have a separate Maulvi of their own (Allen 1980: 65) which indicated that some mosques made of woods and bamboo were there in Manipur. Such point was made invigorated by several mosques available before the Seven Years Devastation (Chahi Taret Khuntakpa) (Rafayattullah 1929: 35) namely Mukame Musalla Mosque known as Muhammad Sani Lainingshang, southern side of Moirangkhom Mongba Hanba; Changamdabi Kangla Ukok; Ningthounai Yairipok; Irong Cheshaba Leikai; Mayang Imphal; Kairang Khumidok; Sangai Yumpham; Keirou; Haoreibi Awang Leikai; Lilong Khunou; Haoreibi Makha Leikai and Porompat called as 'Verandah Mosques' or 'Sangoi Laisang'. It means that they were not ignorant of their religion but conscious of their religion.

All the ritual practices and rites had been taught initially by the three Sayyids namely Sayyid Ambia, Sayyid Abdullah, Sayyid Kalka Hussain to all the Muslims in Manipur in 1609 A.D. (Sharma and Badaruddin 1991:1-2). Actually, in Manipur, during this time, Sayyid Kalka Hussain brought the Qur'an to Manipur and prayed to God in the Nongmaijing Hill. All the religious works were handed over into the three Sayyids. It is surprising the fact that all the Muslims in Manipur followed Sunni laws of Jurisprudence (Khullakpam 1997: 216; Dun 1992: 16). Even a single Shia sect was not available in Manipur.

All in all, one can say that it is very clearly seen that despite having injunctions to the basic teachings of Islam, they also believed in the local community's belief system because of the influence of Meitei women on the Muslim men. In the process of their settlement, they adopted and assimilated much of Manipuri's culture, married Meitei women, adopted Meiteilon as their own mother tongue and lived side by side in harmony with Meiteis. In fact, Salam Irene emphasized that the degree of assimilation and enculturation was extremely high.

In the context of education, their position was very ground-hugging in the society because we didn't get the evidence of formal religious and secular institutions of education system of Muslims in Manipur during the 17th and 18th centuries. This might be due to their ignorance in the field of education and they were not interesting in education.

On the other hand, some scholars said that being come from Sylhet, they used to teach their children in houses about the Persian language. Such practice was continued from the reign of King Khagemba (1597-1652) to King Gaurashyam Maramba (1752-1753). But, the period between 1754 and 1891 with regard to their educational status was really doomsday scenario (Khullakpam 1997: 219). Indeed, they started learning it in the latter part of the 19th century as was evident from the fact that the first Maulana namely Maulana Ibadullah (1840-1921) at Irong Chesaba Mayai Leikai (Thoubal District) appeared and started imparting the theological education.

Moreover, the first Madrasa namely the Madrasa Muhammadiya later on known as Madrasa Mazharul Uloom in the early part of the twentieth century was instituted at Mayang Imphal Bengoon (Imphal West District) whose principal was Maulana Abdul Halim of Wangmayum clan, a student of Maulana Ibadullah. Besides this, there are shortages of documented texts about the condition of Manipuri Muslim women during the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. But we assume that as Muslim women were the sisters of Meiteis, they too must have retained their independence but bound by some Islamic rules. They played a significant role in the economic tasks like cultivation, weaving and other activities.

In Manipur, Muslim society was male-dominated and a gender bias, even though under the Shariat, Muslim women enjoyed equal status with men. Moreover, the wife being under the supervision of her husband had to consult him before making any decision as husband was the head of the family (Irene 2010:76). In the social life of the Manipuri Muslim women, they were at great length disadvantage to their counterparts because of the factors of rigid patriarchy, social custom and traditions like restriction on movement, early marriage, misuse of personal laws particularly with reference to 'talaq', adoption and guardianship of children, maintenance and inheritance. Such factors retarded the social empowerment of Muslim women in Manipur.

But Muslim mother-in-laws were unjust and cruel to their Mous (daughter-in-laws). However, the Muslim wife was the queen of the house, run it on her husband's earnings and contributed to the family kitty through her own economic activities according to Riyaj Ahmed Shah in his article Status of Muslim Women in Manipur State. Apart from these socio-cultural activities of Muslims in Manipur, the system of polygamy was rare among the Muslims in Manipur because of their financial background probably. They also followed the same procedure of what the Muslims in other parts of the world followed in the fields of divorce, birth, death (Irene 2010: 51-104).

In the field of games and sports, we find that during the reign of King Khagemba, there were two Muslim wrestlers, Akun Shah and Kanba Shah who attached to the King's palace. The tradition of wrestling was going on by their successors who came to be called as Mansham Sagei (Wrestling Clan). The existence of institutions like the Pangal Loishang, Shinglup, Keirup, and Leirup, encouraged and facilitated sport among the Pangals.

Two games as 'Likkon Shannaba' and 'Kang Shannaba' were played with the Meiteis but Pangal women did not play Kang. Many Pangals kept a Kang in their homes for playing. They also played Shagol-Kangjei, Mukna, Mukna-Kangjei, Khong Kangjei, Yubi-lakpi and were split into two groups 'Khunthak and Khunkha' and 'Ahallup and Naharup'.

It would seem that these divisions were on locality because when there was a competition organized between the panas, the Pangals were included in the pana of the Meiteis, which was adjacent to their settlement. Special dresses were worn for different sports (Irene 2010:162).

Read a List of Bibliography for this paper here

To be continued...