Formation of Muslim Community in Manipur during the 17th and 18th Centuries
- Part 2 -

Md. Chingiz Khan *

Id-ul Adha celebration at Changamdhabi under Andro Kendra Majid, Manipur on 7 November 2011 :: Pix - Bullu Raj

The theories of the origins of Manipuri Muslims and its misconceptions and misinterpretations generated by some historians and scholars:

So far the theories of the origins of Muslims in Manipur, some scholars opined that prior to 1606 A.D., they came to Manipur. John Parrat told that the first Muhammadans, the Aribam family, came to Manipur in the time of Naophangba (Parrat 1998: 83). Further, N. Devendra and the Muslim Panchayat Lilong Report (1932) said that two persons, Sadir Para Koireng and Kutuwan Khan, were the progenitors of Aribam clan. Based on the document of London School of Oriental and African studies for the formation of clan, about fifty in number, some Pandit scholars of Palace (Meitei scholars) told that Manipuri Muslim clan formation began in what was named as 'the Aribam sagei' since the period of King Naophangba (590-680A.D.).

This Pangal population as found in 930A.D. was adept in preparing salt from dug wells, since their co-religionists used to collect salt from the Bengal Sea. Sources based on the Sanskrit, Vaishnavite and Puyas considered the 14th century Muslims as 'Turushka' as per B. Kullachandra (Sharma 1997: 62). Moreover, it was recorded by Maulana Rahimuddin in his work, Mussalman-e-Manipuri, written in Urdu, that three Muslims namely Seikh Ruba, Gora Khan and Ashiq Shah, later on, were considered as the ancestors of Manipuri Muslim clan called 'Aribam Sagei'(oldest clan) after coupling with Manipuri women, from Rajabari (probably Khaspur) who were able to manufacture the muskets, came to Manipur and were given orders by the King Mungyamba (1562-1597A.D.) to manufacture the muskets (Irene 2010: 32-33; Pahari 2010:187). This kind of theory of the coming of Muslims and their formation of clans like the Aribam clan during the reign of King Naophangba was also supported by the scholars like J.C. Higgins based on the information given by Pandit Achouba in 1933 (Khullakpam 2008: 27- 29; Singh 1985: 13; Singh and Khan 1973: 169).

Despite being accounts about the Aribam clan who came for the manufacture of guns in Manipur, recent researches have pooh-poohed such arguments that they might have come for the purpose of seeking other jobs not for the purpose of manufacturing guns because there is no well documented text for propping this account and in that time, inter-regional trade was not a wider phenomenon in spite of existing it. Another possible reason was that Manipur had no ample materials for the purpose of manufacture of guns.

But, considering the actual theories of the origins of Manipuri Muslims, it is important to emphasize that 1606 A.D. was the major turning point in the history of Manipur in the sense that a major event was happened over the issue of Boat Race (Hiyang Tannaba in Manipuri language) between the two brothers namely Sanongba and Chingsomba of the reigning King Khagemba (1597-1652 A.D.). In fact, Chingsomba borrowed boat from Sanongba for Boat Race but unluckily, the boat was broken on account of collision. Sanongba told by forcing to Chingsomba in order to return the original boat not the repaired and broken one. The issue came to be called as "Sanongba Higaiwa" in the history of Manipur.

In this context, Khagemba tried to solve the problem through compromise basis happening in between the two brothers but could not solve the issue on account of demand made by Sanongba for returning the original one thereby leading to the fleeing of Sanongba with his mother Queen Dowager Luwang Changpombi and some followers to Cachar. He requested the Cachari King Dimasha Prataphil to invade Manipur. In this context, the Cachari King Dimasha Prataphil arranged joint invasion of Cachari and Muslim forces under the leadership of Yakharek, Bhimbal and Prasena (a leader of the Muslim mercenaries of a locality known as Taraf somewhere near Habigunj in Eastern Bengal) who had requested the Nawab of Taraf, Muhammad Najira, for extending his collaboration and federation in doing war against the King of Manipur Khagemba. Muhammad Najira accepted the request of Dimasha Prataphil by giving 7000 soldiers including the leaders of Muhammad Sani (the commander-in-chief of the contingent), Shah Kusum, Sheikh Juned, Kourif Sheikh (his younger brothers), Akon, Alup, Shuleiya, Nampha, Phaitong, Tumiya, Khamya, Aman, Khela, Aqya, Khamba, Punom, Kashra etc. (Singh and Khan 1973:11; Rafayattullah 1929: 6-8).

But, it was critically examined by some scholars emphasizing the point that the number of soldiers was regarded as a caricatured figure in the sense that it was not equalized with the number of soldiers staying in Manipur in the aftermath of the battle which was mentioned also in the Cheitharol Kumpapa (the Royal Chronicle of Manipur) as 1000 Muslim soldiers. However, one should know that this was the battle taking place in between the two groups and no one knew the exact figures. Therefore, it is very difficult to say the exact figures in the sense that how many soldiers had been killed in the battle were not mentioned in either of the primary or secondary sources. The combining Cachari and Muslim forces invaded Manipur in 1606 A.D. In this battle, the Muslim forces won the war though they fought bravely and ultimately, they brought agreement in 1606A.D. through three conditions signed between the King of Manipur, Khagemba and the Qazi Muhammad Sani for the settlements and inhabitants of Muslims in Manipur permanently. The conditions are given below:

First Condition:
The Islamic religion should never be looked down. Muslims should be kept with respect in every place. Muslims should never be humiliated. And whatever the acts done by the Qazi should never be given restriction. If the conditions were not fulfilled, the Manipuri women, the mother of Muslims, should be given their shares.

Second Condition
: Muslims, according to the religion of Prophet Muhammad, practicing the rules and regulations of Shariat, should neither be given restriction nor taken into repugnance. No one should be allowed to torture, blame upon the Muslims and their descendants. All the Muslims and their descendants should never be expelled from Manipur. If any unavoidable circumstances demanded an expulsion from Manipur, then the share entitled to the mother of the Muslims should be granted.

Third condition:
Those Manipuri women who have already performed "Nikah" should be granted their shares.

One copy which contained such legal treatises was kept at the court and another copy was kept at the Qazi (Rafayattullah 1929:11-12). But unfortunately, some scholars projected Manipuri Muslims as "Prisoners of War" which is a matter of huge debate and contestation among the scholars and historians over this issue. Detail historical analysis and understandings of this phrase is given here. The phrase "Prisoners of War" which was used in a loose way in the History of Manipuri Muslims is a matter of debate and contestation among the scholars.

Muslims were considered as prisoners of war or war captives. In this context, one can arise many questions like in which and in what way do they call the Muslims in Manipur as prisoners of war or captives?; For what purpose do they call so?; Is there any word to replace it in the context of Manipuri Muslims?; How far is it applicable to the Muslims in Manipur? Which kind of sources do they go through for establishing this doubtful phrase? Did the King of Manipur really win the battle of 1606 A.D.?

Keeping all these questions in our mind, it is necessary to know the different meanings of captive in a lucid manner. The term captive means kept as a prisoner or in a confined space or unable to escape according to Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary (p. 220). In this context, let us assume that Muslims were kept in a prison in that time or they would not move from one place to another or they were kept in a confined space but nothing of this kind was happened or mentioned in any of the primary or secondary sources. Through three different conditions discussed earlier, signed between the King of Manipur and the Qazi Muhammad Sani for the settlements and inhabitants of those Muslims in Manipur permanently, they brought agreement in 1606 A.D. and they started settling in Manipur after coupling with Meitei women who were assigned by the King of Manipur, Khagemba.

In the Nongsamei Puya and Yaad Dasht Kursee-e-Nama, it is clearly mentioned that the battle of 1606 was not won by the King of Manipur and how they became prisoners of war is a myth. Further, the term 'prisoner' means word for a person who has been captured and is being kept somewhere. The terms like captive, detainee, hostage, and prisoners of war have been used synonymously. Actually, the difference between prisoner and captive is that while captive occurs in more historical contexts involving people such as Kings, Queens and Princesses and is also found in political organizations holding people against their will, but prisoner is more often used to talk about people who have been captured in the war.

Now, after knowing the phrases prisoners of war and war captives in a clear manner, it is necessary to point out the fact that it is very difficult to accept this viewpoint that Muslims were prisoners of war in the sense that the kind of treatment given by the King of Manipur to the Muslims was also very different. This is because of the fact that there might be a feeling of fear of another invasion if they treated the Muslims in a bad condition which was mentioned in the Yaad Dasht Kursee-e-Nama (Rafayattullah 1929: 9). Moreover, a very interesting account was given in the Nongsamei Puya in connection with this theory that the King of Manipur brought the Muslims on the elephants after the battle of 1606 A.D. (Singh and Khan 1973: 32). The question comes as to why they were brought on the elephants?

The reasons were not given in the Nongsamei Puya and other reference books but it is emphasized that they brought agreement the battle of 1606 through three different conditions signed between the King of Manipur Khagemba and the Qazi Muhammad Sani which was discussed earlier. That is why, they were brought on the elephants which meant, in another sense, that Muslims were not prisoners of war or war captives. Hence, it is a matter of debate and contestation among the scholars.

Then, after the battle, the Muslims did not return to their mother country, Sylhet in Bangladesh, and started settling in Manipur coupling with Meitei women as given by the King of Manipur Khagemba. Many questions come to our mind as to why they were not allowed to return to their mother country Sylhet in Bangladesh?; Was there any restriction given by the King of Manipur to the Muslim forces in that time? This was due to the practicable reasons that there might be a feeling of fear of another invasion to the King of Khagemba and His officials (Rafayattullah 1929: 9) or a matter of realizing the momentousness of different skills retained among the Muslim forces in different occupations thereby leading to the welfare of the country, which explained the reason why they were made settled down in Manipur or, moreover, their valuable strength, fearlessness and intrepidity for the territorial integrity of Manipur on a safe and sound footing as was evident from the battle fought between the Manipuri forces and the joint Cachari and Muslim forces which were realized by the King of Manipur.

Apart from these earlier settler Muslims coming from Taraf in Manipur, there were further entries of Muslims in small number in 1608 A.D. as stated in the Nongsamei Puya, where there were three brothers of Syed Auriya, the guru of the King of Taraf, Muhammad Najiri, namely Syed Ambiya, Syed Abdullah, Syed Kalka Hussain who were made to settle down by King Khagemba, after consulting with Muhammad Shani, by honouring and giving land for settlement and women. Among these three Syeds, Syed Hussain went back to Taraf and reverted with a Qur'an who was the forefather of the clan Meraimayum which was derived from Mir (Singh and Khan 1973: 76-77; Rafayattullah 1929: 21). During the reign of Khunjaoba (1652- 1666A.D.), seven persons from Takhel (Tripura) namely Isakalimullah and his wife Fatima Bibi, his younger brother, Musakalimullah, Kshtridashi, Bamon Sitaram, Gonok Dakhila, Gonok Basudev, came to Manipur who were made settlement at Apong Ingkhol (Singh and Khan 1973: 84-85).

Read a List of Bibliography for this paper here

To be continued...