The End Can Open A New Map Out : Naga Framework Agreement

JN Lai *

In case NSCN-IM turns away from this cloudy Framework deal, perhaps it will be an opportunity for (North) Easterners. Likely Muivah will do so, since there is refusal by New Delhi to respect a separate flag and constitution for Nagas.

Going back a bit around the so called peace deal; too big is India to acknowledge fairly the torment of (North) Easterners. India has already got galore of haywire of its own in the mainland.

The disability is too big to reset the legislative, executive and judiciary in places. Hence, realizing the mammoth limitations, it will be a rational move for Eastern region to initiate something to mitigate the reality bites from Delhi.

More importantly, structural violence, controversial merger, militarization, etc. have made the region feel discriminated. Again, this time by Hindu national party, BJP’s Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) and National Registration of Citizens (NRC)’s spill over from Assam is staring the peoples.

The situation causes sometimes, mixed contemplation about alternative towards a way-out; an attempt to reconnecting the dim dots to visualize a new different layout in the Eastern India political map.

It looks very visible that Delhi has been waiting for some sort of natural death of the political armed movement to be happened sooner or later. However it is very unlikely that waiting games get fulfilled so wishfully, perhaps because of the patriotic retention among the indigenous bloods, and seen unseen forces of China and others.

Even the form of resistance may migrate from armed struggle to democratic endeavor which will be rather legitimate.

At the same time, armed groups may also be waiting for domestic crumbling of India on her own, in terms of splitting her territory into three or more, or political paralysis triggered by Hindu fundamentalism, colossal corruption, indigent governance, corporate games, etc.

Political Armed Organizations (PAOs) might have well visualized India–how its might is, what it intends to, and certainly have experienced the amount of its commitment and quality in handling peace and justice.

Likewise India dissects the weaknesses and strengths of the PAOs too. More or less Delhi is familiar with the psychology, what the organizations combating for, which organizations want what, how easy and difficult to handle with.

Eventually to transform or resolve the existing conflict in the region is of the most desirable. Governments declare amnesty and provide unilateral cease fire could be one good job. So the armed groups are to come out to start a new non-violent and democratic movement.

The following can be a rough architecture towards a solution.

1. A unification of the (principal) Political Armed Oppositions of (North) Eastern India by investing all their resources, drives and sincerity towards giving birth to a new (Nation) State sharing negotiable configuration with the Republic of India.

2. The other NE states which have low intensity of armed conflict or absence of PAOs will also be invited to. Those have not joined at the inception may be considered in the aftermath. Thus, it will capacitate a desired inclusiveness of the communities of NE and even beyond. [Necessarily all the present seven/eight states may not be part of.]

3. The name of the new State may be called the United Peoples Land of Indo-Myanmar–UPLIM or New Sub-Himalayan Land–NESHLAND or Western Southeast Asia–WESEA.

4. In order to legislate for and govern the UPLIM/NESHLAND/WESEA, and to practice a good socialism, and to deliver fundamental rights of life, liberty, equality and dignity to the peoples of the new State, there will be a Parliament that may be called Peoples House–PH. [The structure and modus operandi of the PH may be considered and derived from the other parliamentary practices of the world.]

5. Currency may be retained with the Republic of India with validating the Euro and US dollar in the region; Communication, Defense, External Affairs, Natural Resources may be negotiated for a concurrent list; and the rest could be better in the realm of the PH affairs.

6. The key members or leaders of the PAOs, and from the other states where PAOs do not exist, political/social leaders will be member-representatives in the Parliament/PH [whom may be called People Representative–PR]

7. The modality of how and what number of PRs may be determined by considering various bases and will be settled democratically among PAOs in consultation with the NE communities/peoples by considering the optimum economic-political space of ethnic/indigenous minority. [Will Bodo, Karbi, Naga, Kuki, Meetei, etc., have one PR for each of them or will drop down to ancestral tribal communities and clans or will it based on the population ratio?]

8. The first five year tenure of the PRs may be reserved and compensated for the PAOs, afterwards PRs will be elected through universal franchise by their respective peoples/communities or otherwise.

9. The existing State Assemblies will remain, so do the participation of the MLAs in the UPLIM provincial governing activities in two houses setting. However it will be with the reformation of power division and functional sharing and in conjugation with PH structure. [It may minimize the outward dismay and eventual turbulent of the existing political personalities and parties.]

10. A wider candidature in the existing constituent assemblies election will be validated to accommodate the members and leaders of PAOs by migrating their organizations into electoral political parties or joining existing parties or floating new ones. Thus it may extend a meaningful participation to the governing activities for the new (Nation) State.