Reflections on the Contingencies of Anti-AFSPA Movement

Yumlembam Khogen Singh *

Irom Sharmila produced before Chief Judicial Magistrage(CJM), Imphal on July 26 2016 :: Pix - Priyojit K

Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958 was almost unheard of to the masses until Ms. Irom Chanu Sharmila launched her 'fast unto death' protest in November 2000 demanding revocation of this 'draconian' law. Crimes against the local populace committed by the 'Armed Forces' misusing the legal immunity presented by AFSPA, 1958 would have largely remained the gallantry award winning actions of counter-insurgency operations if Ms. Sharmila had not given teeth to the Anti-AFSPA movement.

Under the immunity of this inhumane and autocratic law, 'Armed Forces' have been committing crimes like killings of innocence persons, fake encounters, detentions, torture, and rapes. All these crimes would have mostly remained legitimate acts of valor executed by 'Armed Forces' in the 'disturbed areas' if the matters were not accentuated by the local, national, and international forums as cases of human rights violation rather than to be the fall outs of 'law and order' maintenance process.

These positive developments in Anti-AFSPA movement are primarily ensued from Ms. Sharmila's extraordinary hunger strike demanding repeal of this malicious law. The substance of Ms. Sharmila's contribution to the whole gamut of struggles against AFSPA, 1958 is unmatched. She has been the only icon of Anti-AFSPA movement in India and several national as well as international bodies have acknowledged this iconoclast from Manipur with numerous accolades and prestigious awards.

Given the fact that the Anti-AFSPA movement has been revolving around Ms. Sharmila's hunger strike as the locus of the movement, no one should questioned the contributions, credibility and commitment of this 'Iron lady' toward bringing peace and justice to the people living in this 'disturbed areas'. However, dejected Sharmila's new strategy for goal attainment must be deliberated as it is bound to have certain implications to the course of the movement against AFSPA, 1958.

On 9 August 2016, Ms. Sharmila called off her nearly 16 years long hunger strike but pledged to continue her struggle against AFSPA, 1958 by joining electoral politics. Majority welcomed her decision to call off fast because they want to 'save' Sharmila but some sections of the society were not happy on her other touchy decisions which she took independently and hastily without the consent and/or consultation with her old-time close associates.

Several words of appreciation in media and near absence of accusatorial write-ups render a testimony to persisting support for Ms. Sharmila but she also needs constructive criticisms and guidance from her genuine counsels, supporters, sympathizers, and intellectuals because the latest path she has chosen is the trodden corridor which has a dicey future. Hence, supporters and sympathizers of this protest movement are worried due to Ms. Sharmila's new strategy.

Some sections of the society are apprehensive about Ms. Sharmila's decision to join electoral politics and marry a non-local person. People's foreboding seems to be not baseless as Ms. Sharmila's sudden revelation of a new strategy to achieve the old goal has shown some implications to the ongoing movement against AFSPA, 1958. Apprehension sometimes went to the most unlikely possibility that Ms. Sharmila's decision to marry a non-local man may impede the ongoing Pro-ILP movement in Manipur.

One prominent repercussion of her decision has already surfaced in the movement. One of the most popular civil society organisations (CSOs) in Manipur associated with Anti-AFSPA movement, Sharmila Kanba Lup (SAKAL), a conglomerate of mainly Meira Paibis has withdrawn its support for Ms. Sharmila. It is because this civil society does not want to support Ms. Sharmila's political ambition or the Lup is no longer willing to save (Kanba) her from the perils posed by politics. To dissolve SAKAL and its dissociation with Ms. Sharmila despite assurance to continue the struggle to repeal AFSPA under a new banner hints toward the split of the movement.

On the other hand, we have an autonomous group called 'Save Sharmila Solidarity Campaign' (SSSC) which has been organising nation-wide campaigns in support of Ms. Sharmila and her struggle. SSSC is still ideologically supporting Ms. Sharmila's struggle. The fate of this campaign is unlikely to be the same with that of SAKAL. However, nomenclature and derivative agenda of this campaign may need alteration as Ms. Sharmila has started eating, she is not going to be a martyr because of fasting, and she is planning to join political mainstream.

If the campaigns were about saving Ms. Sharmila, now it is the right time to start fresh campaigns to 'help' Sharmila and offer logistics support for the success of the Anti-AFSPA movement in Manipur. Now, what Ms. Sharmila needs is not sympathy but empathetic understanding of her decision by the society couple with all kinds of help.

Given the perceived lack of public support and solidarity as the reason behind her dejection, Ms. Sharmila now wants to do a litmus test of people's political maturity and support for her noble cause by contesting in assembly elections. Nevertheless, too much emphasis on a symbolic leader whose charisma is under scrutiny also entails the risk of waning of Anti-AFSPA movement with the changing fate of the leader. Therefore, the need of the hour is to change the strategy of the movement from 'Save Sharmila' to a better one.

Now the movement must espouse a variety of more coordinated mobilisations, starting from the much needed 'Help Sharmila' campaigns. However, the onus of repealing the AFSPA, 1958 should not be rested only on Ms. Sharmila's shoulder. This movement should be driven by Anti-AFSPA ideology and Anti-AFSPA sentiments of the victims.

The movement needs visionary leaders, more selfless supporters and participants. However, any unsuccessful attempt to emulate Ms. Sharmila should be avoided as it may turn out to be travesty of this collective struggle for justice and rights. We need a powerful mass movement that might coerce the State to revoke this draconian law.

During such crucial phase in the evolutionary course of the movement, all feasible plans and obligatory steps should be taken up so that Anti-AFSPA movement became ideology centric, more participatory, and stronger movement. Only then, the struggle to repeal the draconian act of AFSPA, 1958 from Manipur might get the sweet taste of success.