Hmar political issues in Mizoram
- Part 1 -
Maria Pa *
Sikpuiruoi : Hmar community's post harvest winter festival at New Delhi in 2012 :: Pix - Lalremlien Neitham
You can chain me,
You can torture me,
You can even destroy this body,
But you will never imprison my mind.
- Mohan Das Karamchand Gandhi
One of the two perennial and unresolved political issues that besiege Mizoram, a tribal state in Northeast India born out of bloody 2 decades old arm struggle is that of the Hmars who inhabited the north and north-eastern parts of the state. The other issue is that of the Reang, known as Tuikuk by the local Mizos - an issue taken up less by the government and more by the NGOs on emotional lines than application of rational thoughts.
The active participation and contribution of the Hmars of Mizoram and its adjoining states of Manipur and Assam for the birth of Mizoram as a District Council in the 1950s, Union Territory in the early 1970s and finally to a full fledged state under the Union of India in 1986 is something every Mizo historian, academician or politician cannot simply ignored.
The Hmars of Mizoram however felt that the successive rise of Mizoram from District Council under Assam state and to a full fledged state fails to address the socio-economic and political aspirations of their people and region. Even though the Hmar areas have closer proximity with the state capital or the state's source of commercial activity, Silchar in Assam, it has been lagging behind than most of the other remote parts of the state because of discriminatory and neglectful attitude of the Mizoram government towards them. They had little access to basic amenities like healthcare, education, electricity, communication and transport facilities.
Ironically, two-third of the Hmar Demand Area is within the administrative jurisdiction of the capital Aizawl district. The keenness of the Hmars to protect their distinct culture and customs, dialects and literature under the ambit of the VI Scheduled of the Indian Constitution which has been granted to other minority tribal groups such as the Lais, Mara and non-tribal religious minority, the Chakmas has also led to the Hmars to air their grievances and political demand since the late 1980s.
The formation of Hmar People Convention (HPC) in July 1986, soon after the birth of Mizoram as a full fledged state is probably the result of this long disenchantment and feeling of neglect and betrayal of the Hmar people by successive Mizoram government. The peaceful and latter violent movement launched and spearheaded by the HPC and its subsequent peace accord signed with the state Government of Mizoram in July 1994 are all history now. So is the birth, growth and position of the Hmar People's Convention-Democratic (HPC-D); the dissatisfied groups among the HPC who feels that the Mizoram-HPC MoS of 1994 is hollow in every aspects and prefers to continue an armed movement for autonomy within Mizoram to this day.
Whether the HPC (D) received wholehearted and spontaneous support from the Hmar peoples of Mizoram and outside like its parent organisation that signed the ambiguous peace accord in 1994 with Mizoram government or not, is a different matter. The fact that the HPC (D) is not that active within the territorial boundary of Mizoram and so has not disturbed the peace and tranquillity of the state in terms of tax collection, ambushes and skirmish with the Mizo Armed Police is also a different matter.
However, one thing crystal clear is that the union government in Delhi, the state government of both Manipur and Assam recognised the presence of HPC (D) and their stated political issue and as such signed Suspension of Operation (SoO) with them to pave way for political dialogue in the near future. In fact, the state government of Mizoram also do the same in 2009 only to abort it after few months on some flimsy grounds. The state government every now and then tagged the HPC (D) as 'Manipur based' inspite of knowing that the group had its origin and issues in Mizoram state.
The HPC (D) on its part suffer a jolt in September 2011 as its Emergency Council resolved and removed its President for reason which it termed as anti-Hmar activity. It however, could still maintain the influence and position the party has among the Hmar people in and outside Mizoram.
Its sway among its demand area can be gauged from the fact that it can manage the postponement of the Village Council election in some 16 villages within its demand area for more than 2 times and let it go only with the appeal made by a recently floated pressure group, Mizoram Hmar Welfare Committee in July this year. It can also manage the all powerful YMA to bow down to its diktat and make the NGO non functional in its area for more than 1 whole year and then revoke the same also with the appeal made by MHWC.
In the mean time the state government goes heads and tongs with the HPC (D) by arresting its Chief of Army and his Deputy from Silchar airport on June 10, 2012 and its new Chairman from New Delhi Airport on July 17, 2012. The lame excuse and justification given by the state government of Mizoram for arresting the top leaders of the HPC (D) and its knee-jerk reactions are also a bit surprising and unbecoming of a welfare state.
First of all, it accused the HPC (D) of trying to plant sabotage in Aizawl town by planting bombs in strategic and important locations, poisoning water supplied to town at its source, planning to cut power line that connect Mizoram through Manipur, etc. It may be worth mentioning here that, forget about Aizawl, the HPC or its offshoot party, HPC (D) is yet to inflict much harm or casualty in Mizoram state except some stray incidents here and there.
To be continued...
* Maria Pa wrote this article for The Sangai Express
This article was posted on September 12, 2013.
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