TODAY -

Khwai movement
- Part 1 -

By B Hemchand Sharma *



Indigenous peoples struggle with issues of Constitution and post colonial independence scepticism defending the extra-constitutional/extra-parliamentary in a natural world of indigenous : Asking, "Where is the Constitutional premise "Satya Mevah Jayate" in a world of science and, information and technology?"

KHWAI MOVEMENT struggle with issues of Constitutional FAITH and post-colonial deprivation, searching for pattern and hope in a world of GENOCIDISM? We ask, "Where is the PRAXIS and ORTHOPRAXIS of Constitution in a world of injustice towards the indigenous peoples of EAST ASIA??

The starting point of KHWAI MOVEMENT struggle is commitment to the poor suffering indigenous people, the "non-person". Its ideas come from the VICTIM :
(i) the vitim of extra - constitutional/extra-parliamentary terrorism,
(ii) the victim of a plot conspiracy by the mighty JOHN COMPANY + WANDERING SANYASI of his time.
(iii) the victim of "Civilization progress by exterminating lower races?.
(iv) the victim of "FUTURE SHOCK? of the Second Wave era.

So, it is a kind of "Chemical reaction? (or new causality) : extra-constitutional terrorism + oppression combined with Genocide KHWAI MOVEMENT. Concerning over State terrorism, racist oppression, and Genocidism of indigenous peoples. A brand of "Khwai - movement? has emerged in the conflict - torn (of post - partition post independence syndrome) struggle of the indigenous peoples.

Indeed even the term (movement) can be misleading - partly because it implies a higher level of shared suffering consciousness than so far exists, partly because THIRD WAVE people properly mistrust all the mass movement of the pasts. Nevertheless, wether they comprise a class, a movement, or simply a changing configuration of individuals and transient groups, all of them share with a radical disillusionment with the old-obsolete inclusivist - exclusivist Constitutional institutions - a common recognition the old system of the Constitutional Premise - "SATYA MEVAH JAYATE? is now broken beyond repair.

In Socio-economic politico-cultural historical settings of deprivation and oppression, its message "Recognition of necessity is FREEDOM?. And this is the sole "PRE-CONDITION of Anything and Everything? is receiving increased attention WORLD - WIDE. If the main argument is correct, there are powerful reasons for long-range optimism, even if the transitional years immediately ahead are likely to be stormy and crisis - ridden.

KHWAI MOVEMENT, it has been my desire to address directly the peoples of Manipur State, Union of INDIA, the United Kingdom, The United States, indeed every country. The purpose of this, is to talk without intermediaries to the citizens of the whole world about things - that, "What is happening in Manipur concerns the whole world? - without exception. This is because I believe in their common sense; that they like me worry about the future of the Indigenous peoples, in the North-Eastern region of India, of our planet Earth. This is the most important matter. I realized that not everyone agree with me.

As a matter of fact, neither will I agree with everything others say on various issues. This makes - DIALOGUE - all the more; in a spirit of cooperation rather than animosity, so we must meet, discuss and debate. I am willing and ready to cooperate in all areas on the basis of equality, mutual understanding and reciprocity : constructive and wide - ranging dialogue is needed today. I encourage contacts and political convictions. In this way I express my understanding that - SATYA MEVAH JAYATE - (Truth Must Prevail) practice helps and guiding us the culmination of a new "movement of thoughts? : of which I assumed and call it - KHWAI MOVEMENT - (i.e., SPIRITUS MUNDI: the spirit world, when all kinds of images and thoughts are present as in a pool).

And this "pooling of thoughts? move towards a - recognition of Necessity-Truth is Peace with Freedom - a mutually acceptable in equal terms. And this my contribution to it. However, it must be pointed out that KHWAI MOVEMENT does not only called out upon to examine and to explain a given situation socio-eco-historical cultural development, but also primarily; to recognize its share of the responsibility for finding a "Final Solution? for a host of problems of the North Easterners; but also in defining and offering and axiological system, contributes for good or its, to subsequent change.

And the questions relates to the New Indian Constitutions? "constitutive conditions of actuality?: it is not scientific treatise or propaganda though the views, conclusion and analytical approaches which will find in it are naturally base on definite values and theoretical premises. It is rather a collection of thoughts and reflections on "logic of peace? out of the logic of history : the problem we face in the wake of the THIRD WAVE; the scale of the changes involved and the complexity and responsibility and uniqueness of our time; a "time outside time?. It is TIME we began to look at the emergent future - The Third Wave Questions.

ALVIN TOFFLERS writes in his Third Wave : Tomorrows "Development" strategies will come not from Washington or Moscow or Paris or Geneva but from ASIA, Latin America and Africa. They will be indigenous, matched in actual local needs (act local think global). They will not overemphasis, economics at the expense of ecology, culture, religion, or family structure and the psychological dimensions of existence. They will not imitate any outside model. First, Second or, for that matter, Third.? It is about the plans and about the ways that is going to carry them through, and - an invitation to DIALOGUE. A large part is devoted to new political thinking, to the philosophy of our foreign policy. And this KHWAI MOVEMENT (the spiritus mundi) helps strengthen international trust and, the global peace, I can considered its role fulfilled.

What is KHWAI MOVEMENT or restructuring the "movement of thoughts?? Why do we need it? What are its substance and objectives? What does it reject and what does it create. How is it development proceedings and what might be its consequences for the Indian Union and the world community. These are all legitimate questions to which many seek answer : politicians, psychologists, scientist and businessmen, scholars and journalists, teachers and physicians, philanthropists, writers and student, workers and farmers etc.

Many want to understand what is actually taking place in the North Eastern Region (i.e., the indigenous peoples) of the Indian Union. KHWAI MOVEMENT is the focus of the historical cultural and intellectual life of our indigenous peoples society now. That is natural, because it concerns the future of this region. The changes it is bringing affects all the Indian people and the peoples of Asia : deal with the most vital issues - "Keeping the Peace in India? (this was recorded in the Essay "Keeping the Peace in India? 1946-1947 : The role of Lieut - General Sir Francis Tukker in Eastern Command. General Tukker Services in India).

The most important thing now for us in the past history is that through comprehension of it to perceive the origins of the KHWAI MOVEMENT, the movement of thoughts. Our history shaped up under a strong influence of many factors. But it is our history, and the success of the "movement of thoughts? lie in it. But why did the "Keeping the Peace in India" that made new political thinking necessary happen? Why has it been delay like an "UNFINISH Agenda?? Why did the obsolete First Wave and Second Wave methods of work persist so long? How did the dogmatization of social-consciousness and theory occur.

What is striking, is the way in which an otherwise bewildering and deplorable set of events is sought to be made comprehensible in term of "historical necessity" Logic of History: purports to deal particularly with reflections on 60 years of Partitioned of the East is regarding "counter voices" of the Indigenous population of poor suffering and how they have been silenced in an artificial ad-hocist framed up of modern Indian history.

The voices that were seeking their own identity, own political destiny, their lost kingdoms were to being silenced. How the Indigenous population of the east would have to be henceforth irrevocably bound by India or Pakistan was built into the politics of Partitioned. That was, in fact, "a knife that killed many possible alternative voices" and subsequently ensured that its discourse silences them forever. G.B. Shaw truly said- "Assassination is the extreme form of censorship", and illegal mergered of Manipur is the extreme form of censorship and, perhaps assassination of a Race that is the Indigenous Manipur Constitution of 1947.

All this needs explanation. And, in analysing and explaining, find much proof that the Indian National Congress Party and the New Indian Constitution and Society saw the negative process growing; the negative aspect of socio-political life endangered by the Gandhi-Nehru-Patel personality cult("Mahatamaji is the playwright and Director of Indian Freedom Struggle and the others are all experienced Actors").It is like professing Vegetarianism while running a butcher?s shop in his own backyard i.e the indigenous population of the East. Furthermore, awareness of a need for a change acutely manifested itself more than once.

But the changes did not go all the way and were inconsistent under the weight of the "legacy of the past" will all its dominant attributes. The atmosphere of complacency and the interrupted natural process of leadership change gave rise to stagnation and retardation in this indigenous region. The current passiveness of leaders who fail to use the opportunities available for solving social problems is particularly intolerable. What conclusions have we drawn from the lessons of history? First democratism as a social system has proved that it has immense potentialities for resolving the most complex problems of social progress i.e. to say interstate conflict, intrastate conflicts and international conflict.

Democratism convince of its capacity for self perfection, for still greater revelation of its possibilities and for dealing with the present major problems and issues of social progress which arises as we approach the Third Wave of the twenty-first century. At the same time, a truthful and unbiased analysis of problems, a resolute rejection of anything outdated, but act on a wider front on the initiative and creativity of the masses; on the active participation of the widest sections of the population in the implementation of the constitutional reforms planned; that is, on democratization and again democratization.

Dr. S. Radhakrishan writes : To my mind, our country today is faced by a crisis of the first magnitude. It is war or revolution or national bankruptcy but internal disruption that is threatening us. The new, India which are attempting to build is being strangled at its very birth by anti-national forces. In the hour of our awakening we find ourselves surrounded by forces which make of our continued bondage. The failure to reach a communal settlement has had grave reactions. Faith, security and hope are displaced by a new distrust, a new anxiety, a new uncertainty… will you help India to break her bonds or will you bind them faster? Will you make out in your lives that is a libel against you to say that a life of service and suffering has less attraction for you than a career of comfort?

Time will answer…………….. we want leaders who are prepared to tell the truth and guide us to a right solution our problems. There is a temptation for an uneducated or half educated democracy to put in places of power men of forensic ability, political dexterity or money power; such a temptation is difficult to overcome unless the electorate has intelligence and ability, public spirit and independence, qualities which cannot be got to order. (Foundation of Civilization Ideas and Ideals, Orient Paperbacks, 1st published 1990, p. 39-40). Theoretical Method 1. Orientation : the liberation of the oppressed indigenous peoples.

KHWAI movement agrees that liberation theory must start with "the view from below?, with the sufferings of the excluded (i.e. inclusivist - exclusivist), and oppressed. It is a commitment to the poor suffering; the poor indigenous peoples are seem not as the objects of Constitutional peity but as the artisans of a new humanity - the "REPUBLIC OF HUMANITY? as GEORGE WASHINGTON prophesized - shapers and no shaped.

The poor-suffering indigenous peoples are the authentic theoretical source for understanding the New Indian Constitutional Truth i.e. the premise - SATYA MEVAH JAYATE - and practice. 2. Domain : the concrete socio-historical situation as context. The mission of the Constitution, is to be defined in terms of history and historical struggles for liberation. Any theoretical model that locates the meaning and purpose of history inside/outside the concreteness of the historical "now? is idealistic.

Theory answered philosophical questions : How can we believed in the unchangeable rigid and irrational static NEW INDIAN CONSTITUTION in a world of greatest Constitution of, the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia and the likes? Now theory is called on to answered questions of social-cultural analysis, historical, political and economics : How can we believed in Indian Constitution in an indigenous region that crushes the poor and marginalizes their humanity? Our hermeneutical tool for understanding the Constitutional institutions, becomes a "preferential option for the poor-suffering indigenous peoples of EAST ASIA?. 3. Method : reflexion on praxis and orthopraxis.

"PRAXIS? essentially means "action?. Traditionally, the concept refers to the application of theory or socially innovative human behaviour. It?s long history begins with Aristotle but the concept achieved contemporary prominence through Marx, who used it in various ways but, most commonly, to mean revolutionary action through which the world was changed. By seeing constitutional theory "as critical reflection on historical praxis? Constitutional theory emphasized orthodoxy, i.e. right belief or conceptual reflection on truth : SATYA MEVAH JAYATE.

Political theory balances this with an emphasis on action (praxis) and right action (orthopraxis); that complains "the INDIAN PARLIAMENT has for six decades devoted her attention to formulating truth and meanwhile did almost nothing to better the world of indigenous peoples?. It not only advocates action but questions wether knowledge can be detached; and it insists that Truth (SATYA MEVAH JAYATE) can only known through ACTION. Knowing and doing are dialectically related, and RIGHT ACTION becomes criterion for TRUTH i.e. the New Indian Constitutional premise SATYA MEVAH JAYATE?

The danger is that Constitutional theory is reduced to ethics, the vertical dimension equated with the horizontal and the concept built on Marxism. Positively, however, it can claim ARYAN-VEDIC roots. Truth (SATYA MEVAH JAYATE) communicates with his world, not through a conceptual frame of reference, but in creative activity; knowing truth is contingent on doing it. This follows praxis as the second stage.

In the first stage, Praxis, KHWAI MOVEMENT? commits to the renovation of society on behalf of and alongside the oppressed poor indigenous population. Praxis is more than experience apart from theory, application following principle. It is a term borrowed from Marx and oriented to a Marxist analysis of society. It describes the two way traffic that is always going on between action and reflection - a dialectical engagement with the world in transforming action. It is the precondition of knowledge, in which people seek not merely to understand the world but to changed it. Through PRAXIS, the people enter into the socio-historical destiny.

The Constitutional theory offers theory new opportunities for self-examination, challenges to fundamental-rights new lines of obedience that cannot be ignored. Included in the emerging agenda must be questions such as the following :
i) How can academic theory escape the sterility of reflection abstracted from the concrete social and political problems of the poor-suffering indigenous populations of East-Asia. How is theory to be oriented to the practice of justice and compassion towards marginalized indigenous peoples?

ii) How can we recognize that all theoretical reflection takes place in the indigenous social context and still avoid reducing universal "given? to mere features of one particular situation? How do we develop a humble method of doing theory, recognizing our own limitations and avoiding inhibiting other cultures and societies in their own theoretical reflection?

iii) How we can develop a better method of hermeneutics that will take more seriously the socio-cultural historical setting of the Constitution and interpreter?s blindness to his or her own set of socio-cultural historical pre-suppositions?

iv) Does our distinction between principles and application hinder us from linking the transforming power of the Constitutional gospel and the transformation of indigenous society and its structures? Does our understanding of the hermeneutical process still live us with a gap between action and reflection that saliently models a Aryan-Hindu-Indian commitment only to the status-quo?

To be continued ....




* B Hemchand Sharma wrote this article for Hueiyen Lanpao (English Edition)
The author is with USIP - Conflict Analyst, located at Washington. DC, USA and can be contacted at khwaihemchand(at)gmail(dot)com
This article was webcasted on September 20, 2011.


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